Contexts of Development: Parents, poverty, and childcare

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Contexts of DevelopmentParents, poverty, and
childcare
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Questions

• What impact does poverty have on children?
• What do within-child designs contribute to
  understanding the effects of poverty?
• Are the effects of poverty (and the estimated
  effects of a reduction in poverty) greater or
  less if the child's caregiver has a partner? if
  the child's caregiver is employed? What accounts
  for these effects?
• What are the effects of familial instability on
  children's adjustment problems?
• How does parental work stress impact  the
  parent-child relationship?
• How is the quantity and quality of child care
  associated with peer competence? Specifically,
  how does experience in child-care settings impact
  observed skill in peer play? And, what impact
  does quality of child care have on socioemotional
  and peer outcomes?
• NEW What are risk factors for high SES high
  schoolers Are they the same or different than
  those of low SES high-schoolers?
• What are two dimensions of parenting and how do
  they combine to form three-four styles of
  parenting?
• What are the characteristics of the three main
  styles of parenting?
• What are the characteristics of children raised
  with those styles?
• How would you characterize your own parents'
  parenting style and what style of parenting would
  you favor as a parent?

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The Big Picture Psychosocial ecology of human
development

• Physical and social circumstances are likely to
  be the among the strongest predictors of
  socioemotional development
• divorce/remarriage, beginning and changing
  schools, economic upturns/downturns -
• Are these direct or indirect effects?
• The emotional impact of the divorce or the
  downturn in standard of living?

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Policy Implications

• Researchers cant hide in the lab, but they
  should not be overly prescriptive
• They should understand that policy can have
  unintended repercussions for diverse parties
• attachment and daycare
• adoption
• maternal drug use
• Thompson

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Some poverty statistics in U.S.

• 16 of children live in poverty (about 14
  million)
• Children living in poverty more likely to have
  problems in school, earn less as adults, more
  likely to be teenage parents
• 47 of children in Black, female-headed
  households live in poverty
• 68 of children live in married-couple families
• Single and unmarried couple families likely to be
  poorer
• Only 8 of kids living in married-couple families
  lived in poverty
• 14 (thats 10 million kids) have no health
  insurance
• medialab.scu.edu/psychology/faculty/turdan/develop
  mental20ppts/contexts20of20development.ppt

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Census Data on Poverty
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Poverty Rates by Age
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Consequences of poverty

• Worse health, lower cognitive functioning
• Most consistent finding is for lower academic
  achievement
• Depends on persistence, depth, and age
• Longer, deeper poverty at early age is the worst

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How poverty affects development

• Lack of warmth in parent-child relationship
  fewer educational opportunities at home
• Lower quality childcare outside of home
• Economic pressure creates conflict in the home
• Lower parental physical, mental health worse
  relations with child
• Bad neighborhoods, schools
• Genetics? Mentally unstable, low IQ leads to
  poverty, passed to kids?
• Summary of Duncan and Brooks-Gunn

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a 10,000 increment to income averaged over the
first five years of life for children in
low-income families is associated with a 2.8-fold
increase in the odds of finishing high school.
(p. 149, A E 28)
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Within-child associations between family income
and child externalizing and internalizing problems

• Children had fewer externalizing problems during
  times when their families' incomes were
  relatively high than during times when their
  families' incomes were relatively low
• the estimated benefits of increased income were
  greatest for children who were chronically poor.
• For both externalizing and internalizing
  problems, income was most strongly associated
  with problems when chronically poor children's
  mothers were partnered and employed.
• N 1,132
• Dearing, E., K. McCartney, et al. (2006).
  "Within-child associations between family income
  and externalizing and internalizing problems."
  Developmental Psychology 42(2) 237-252.

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Interaction effects
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Why?
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Familial Instability

• There are associations between the degree of
  environmental instability and difficulties in
  adjustment, such that children exposed to higher
  levels of family instability (e.g., more frequent
  separations from parent figures and more frequent
  residential moves) show worse adjustment across a
  variety of developmental domains. greater
  attention in future research on child and
  adolescent adjustment.
• Adam, E. K. (2004). Beyond Quality. Parental and
  Residential Stability and Children's Adjustment.
  Current Directions in Psychological Science,
  13(5), 210-213.

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Parental work stress

• Effects of parental work stress on childrens
  and adolescents adjustment appear to be
  indirect.
• Work stress is linked to parents feelings of
  overload and strain, which in turn predict lower
  parent-child acceptance and higher conflict
• Processes that in turn are related to less
  positive adjustment of children and adolescents.
• In the face of high work stress, withdrawing from
  family involvement may be adaptive in the short
  run but ultimately problematic.

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Rich and poor

• 614 sixth graders from two communities, one low
  and the other high
• outcomes included subjective well-being as well
  as school competence.
• Very affluent children can perceive their parents
  as emotionally and physically unavailable to the
  same degree as youth in serious poverty.
• Closeness to parents was beneficial for all, just
  as criticism was deleterious.
• Parents' physical absence (e.g., at dinner)
  connoted vulnerability for distress and for poor
  school performance in both groups.
• Even after considering the quality of
  parent-child relationships
• Luthar, S. S. and S. J. Latendresse (2005).
  "Comparable "risks" at the socioeconomic status
  extremes Preadolescents' perceptions of
  parenting." Development and Psychopathology
  17(1) 207-230.

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Problems of the rich

• 302 6th 7th-graders in an affluent, suburban
  community showed
• (1) high rates of clinically significant
  depressive symptoms among older girls,
• (2) significant links between various
  internalizing symptoms and substance use among
  both boys and girls,
• (3) peers' approval of substance use among older
  boys.
• Associations were found for achievement pressures
  (particularly excessive perfectionistic
  strivings), and isolation from parents
  (particularly low perceived closeness to
  mothers).
• Luthar, S. S. and B. E. Becker (2002).
  "Privileged but pressured? A study of affluent
  youth." Child Development 73(5) 1593-1610.

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Substance Use Among Affluent, Suburban High
School Students

• Clusters reporting escalating, declining, and
  persistently high use consistently demonstrated
  relatively poorer psychosocial adjustment.
• Other dimensions of psychosocial adjustment
  remained relatively stable despite changes in
  substance usesocial safety net?
• McMahon, T. J. and S. S. Luthar (2006). "Patterns
  and Correlates of Substance Use Among Affluent,
  Suburban High School Students." Journal of
  Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology 35(1)
  72-89.

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Its parental criticism and absence not child
overscheduling

• .
• Negligible evidence for deleterious effects of
  high extracurricular involvement per se.
• Far more strongly implicated was perceived parent
  criticism for both girls and boys as well as the
  absence of after-school supervision.
• Low parent expectations connoted significant
  vulnerability especially for boys.
• At least among early adolescents, converging
  scientific and media reports may have scapegoated
  extracurricular involvements, to some degree, as
  an index of ubiquitous achievement pressures in
  affluent communities.
• Luthar, S. S., K. A. Shoum, et al. (2006).
  "Extracurricular Involvement Among Affluent
  Youth A Scapegoat for "Ubiquitous Achievement
  Pressures"?" Developmental Psychology 42(3)
  583-597

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• Tenth graders substance use, delinquency, and
  low school engagement.
• Unique links with grades for self-reported
  delinquency and school disengagement in high- and
  low-income samples, but for substance use only
  among the former.
• In both schools, grades were clearly compromised
  among youth with disturbances in all three
  problem domains.
• Luthar, S. S. and N. S. Ansary (2005).
  "Dimensions of adolescent rebellion Risks for
  academic failure among high- and low-income
  youth." Development and Psychopathology 17(1)
  231-250.

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Two and three-year-olds in child-care

• More experience in child-care settings with
  other children present were more positive and
  skilled in their peer play in child care
• Although their caregivers rated them as more
  negative with playmates.
• Ss who spent more hours in child care were rated
  by their caregivers as more negative in peer
  play, but their observed peer play was not
  related to the quantity of care.
• Child-care experiences were not associated with
  peer competence as rated by mothers or as
  observed in dyadic play with a friend.
• Maternal sensitivity and children's cognitive and
  language competence predicted peer competence
  across all settings and informants.
• NICHD_Early_Child_Care_Research_Network (2001).
  "Child care and children's peer interaction at 24
  and 36 months The NICHD study of early child
  care." Child Development 72(5) 1478-1500.

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Child-Care Effect Sizes for the NICHD Study of
Early Child Care and Youth Development NICHD
Early Child Care Research Network

• 1,261 kids recruited at birth - assessed 15, 24,
  36, 54 mos.
• Higher quality child care was related to advanced
  cognitive, language,and preacademic outcomes at
  every age and better socioemotional and peer
  outcomes at some ages.
• More childcare hours predicted more behavior
  problems and conflict, according to care
  providers.
• More center-care time was related to higher
  cognitive and language scores and more problem
  and fewer prosocial behaviors, according to care
  providers.

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Parenting and emotion

• Try to achieve goals with/for offspring is very
  emotional!
• Discipline strategies are modified by perception
  of childs temperament.
• The actual process is bidirectional
• Mutual expectations impact next interactions so
  that relationships impact relationships

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www.fhi.se/upload/BestPractice/FR5101_BHagekull.pp
t
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Parenting Styles

• First, parenting style is meant to describe
  normal variations in parenting. In other words,
  the parenting style typology Baumrind developed
  should not be understood to include deviant
  parenting, such as might be observed in abusive
  or neglectful homes.
• Second, Baumrind assumes that normal parenting
  revolves around issues of control. Although
  parents may differ in how they try to control or
  socialize their children and the extent to which
  they do so, it is assumed that the primary role
  of all parents is to influence, teach, and
  control their children.

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Two dimensions of parenting

• Parental responsiveness (parental warmth or
  supportiveness)
• "the extent to which parents intentionally foster
  individuality, self-regulation, and
  self-assertion by being attuned, supportive, and
  acquiescent to childrens special needs and
  demands.
• Parental demandingness (behavioral control)
• "the claims parents make on children to become
  integrated into the family whole, by their
  maturity demands, supervision, disciplinary
  efforts and willingness to confront the child who
  disobeys
• faculty.augie.edu/pchanavan/family/chapter3.ppt

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Parent Styles

• Indulgent parents (also referred to as
  "permissive" or "nondirective") "are more
  responsive than they are demanding. They are
  nontraditional and lenient, do not require mature
  behavior, allow considerable self-regulation, and
  avoid confrontation". Two types
• democratic parents, who, though lenient, are more
  conscientious, engaged, and committed to the
  child, and nondirective parents.
• Children and adolescents from indulgent homes
  (high in responsiveness, low in demandingness)
• more likely to be involved in problem behavior
  and perform less well in school, but they have
  higher self-esteem, better social skills, and
  lower levels of depression.

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Parenting Styles

• Authoritarian parents are highly demanding and
  directive, but not responsive. "They are
  obedience- and status-oriented, and expect their
  orders to be obeyed without explanation".
• Provide well-ordered and structured environments
  with clearly stated rules. Two types
  nonauthoritarian-directive, who are directive,
  but not intrusive or autocratic in their use of
  power, and authoritarian-directive, who are
  highly intrusive.
• Children and adolescents from authoritarian
  families (high in demandingness, but low in
  responsiveness) tend to perform moderately well
  in school and be uninvolved in problem behavior,
  but they have poorer social skills, lower
  self-esteem, and higher levels of depression.

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Parenting Styles

• Authoritative parents are both demanding and
  responsive. "They monitor and impart clear
  standards for their childrens conduct. They are
  assertive, but not intrusive and restrictive.
  Their disciplinary methods are supportive, rather
  than punitive. They want their children to be
  assertive as well as socially responsible, and
  self-regulated as well as cooperative.
• Children and adolescents whose parents are
  authoritative rate themselves and are rated by
  objective measures as more socially and
  instrumentally competent than those whose parents
  are nonauthoritative

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Parenting Styles

• Uninvolved parents are low in both responsiveness
  and demandingness. In extreme cases, this
  parenting style might encompass both
  rejectingneglecting and neglectful parents,
  although most parents of this type fall within
  the normal range.
• Children and adolescents whose parents are
  uninvolved perform most poorly in all domains.

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Parenting styles--Baumrind

• Authoritarian
• Because I said so!
• Punitive, controlling parenting strategies
• Obedience oriented
• Authoritative
• Structure and rules with an emphasis on reasoning
• Less likely to use physical punishment
• Involve children in decision, rule making
• Permissive
• Loose structure
• Children given much leeway in deciding
  activities, rules, and schedules

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Which parenting style is best?

• Outcomes associated with different styles
• Authoritarian
• Lack of social competence
• Increased aggression among boys
• Withdrawal from social contact
• Heteronomous morality
• Authoritative
• Greater self-reliance and confidence
• More sociable, willing to explore
• Permissive
• Immature, impulsive
• Limitations of the research
• Culturally biased? (research based primarily on
  white, middle class)
• Confusion of causality? Kids may elicit
  different parenting styles

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Parenting Current view

• What particular features of a parenting style -
  including affective behavior - produces outcomes
  in particular circumstances.
• More flexibility for older adolescents
• Group differences
• More restrictive caregiving is seen as more
  loving and has more positive outcomes among
  African-American teens (Masons work)

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Which parenting style were you raised
with?Which do you think produces the best kind
of kids?
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If you become a parent will you raise your kids
the same way your parents raised you?

• What will you do differently?
• What will you do similarly?

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References

• Thompson, R. A. (1999). The individual child
  Temperament, emotion, self, and personality. In
  M. H. Bornstein M. E. Lamb (Eds.),
  Developmental psychology An advanced textbook
  (4th ed.) (pp. 377-409). Mahwah, NJ Larence
  Earlbaum.
• Thompson (2001). Development in the first years
  of life. The Future of Children, 11(1), 20-33.