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Impacts of ICTs in Agriculture: Farmers and Mobile Phones in Morocco

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Title: Impacts of ICTs in Agriculture: Farmers and Mobile Phones in Morocco


1
Impacts of ICTs in Agriculture Farmers and
Mobile Phones in Morocco
  • Hsain Ilahiane
  • Department of Anthropology, Iowa State
    University
  • hsain_at_iastate.edu
  • Presented at the American Anthropological
    Association Conference
  • Washington, D.C.
  • December 1, 2007

2
Abstract
  • Agricultural decisions on timely soil preparation
    and planting, irrigation and weeding, cultivating
    and harvesting, and storage and marketing have
    always been key concerns to farmers. The impacts
    of information and communication technologies in
    agriculture are not new, and many forms of
    indigenous knowledge are still central in
    managing agriculture. In the developing world,
    however, the mobile phone is a ubiquitous
    technology of urban-rural socio-economic speed,
    and it is considered a development tool to
    leapfrog legacy infrastructure and innovate
    more quickly than through older industrial forms.
    Mobile Phones are speeding up ways in which
    farmers get, exchange, and manipulate
    information. They rework the way farmers interact
    with markets and cities. Increasingly, they
    enable farmers to focus, search, and extract
    useful and up-to-date market information from
    social and business networks. Farmers are also
    able to make tentative decisions much more easily
    than before, and are less constrained by time and
    place in doing this, because they are always
    accessible and can give the order to sell now!
    or store for later!. In this paper, I examine
    the impacts of new ICTS in agriculture and
    outline some emerging trends. Second, based on
    ethnographic data from Morocco, I investigate how
    and to what effects telephony is used by farmers.
    Third, I claim that telephony has deepened market
    participation, resulting in intensive cultivation
    of cash crops. Fourth, I contend that telephony
    is a tool of organizing production and marketing
    of crops, leading to higher revenues. Finally, I
    situate my argument in the literature on
    agricultural anthropology and technological
    change.

3
In Memory of Zouhair Yahyaoui, Tunisia's most
prominent cyber-dissident, 1969-2005
  • Founder, editor, and webmaster of the satirical
    online newsletter TuneZine (www.tunezine.com)
  • Opponent of Tunisias repression of free
    expression rights.
  • Winner of the 2003 Prix Cyberliberté for his
    efforts to defend free expression on the
    internet.

4
What are ICTs?
  • is the combination of hardware, software, and
    the means of production that enable the exchange,
    processing, and management of information and
    knowledge. ICTs thus include technologies and
    methods for storing, managing, and processing
    information (e.g., computers, software, books,
    PDAs, digital and non-digital libraries) and for
    communicating information (e.g., mail and email,
    radio and television, telephones, cell phones,
    pagers, instant messaging, the web, etc.). In
    everyday speech, ICTs commonly refer to
    electronic and digital devices and the software
    used for storing, retrieving, and communicating
    information.
  • Source http//www.dot-com-lliance.org/documents/A
    G_ICT_USAID.pdf

5
Research Questions
  • Does cellular phone use affect farmers
    revenues?
  • Does cellular phone use affect agricultural
    production strategies?
  • Does cellular phone use in farming result in
    agricultural intensification?

6
ICTs theoretical departures
  • In his work on the phone in the USA btw
    1990-1940, Fisher argues that the telephone did
    not radically alter American ways of life
    rather, Americans used it to more vigorously
    pursue their characteristic way of life.
    (19925).
  • Ling (2004) on the cell phone personal security,
    ability to organize activities on the fly,
    micro-coordination as in mid-course adjustment,
    iterative coordination, and softening of
    schedulesFlexibility of the cell.

7
More ICTs theory
  • Miller and Slater (2000) argue that ICTs (the
    internet in Trinidad) allow for what they call
    expansive realization. Use of technology to
    overcome spatial and temporal limitations.
  • Miller and Horst (2005) see technology as a
    hyphen in integrating individual and social
    networking--link up and leveraging social
    capital.
  • Ilahiane and Sherry (2004) argue that mobile
    technology expands the productive opportunities
    for certain types of activities in urban
    Morocco.

8
Theorizing Agricultural Change in Anthropology
  • Boserup suggests agricultural change is related
    to population pressure and changes in the
    man/land ratio should be reflected by a
    transition in land use strategies.
  • Boserups argument is based on the idea of
    diminishing returns to labor investment. Without
    the inducement of resource scarcity, people do
    not intensify due to the increase in work and the
    mediocre, and falling, returns on labor.
  • Using a set of examples of traditional
    agricultural systems, she advances the
    relationship between population density and
    agricultural intensification. Accordingly, the
    intensification index is based on the cropping
    frequency of land use systems along a temporal
    spectrum, from forest fallow through bush and
    short fallow to annual and multicropping
    (196528-34).

9
More theory
  • Barlett (1977) states that movements in the
    direction of intensive and extensive land use
    systems toward large or small farms are mediated
    by access to land, capital needed for the
    purchase of inputs, and the development of
    markets.
  • Moran (1981) contends that agricultural
    settlement schemes in the Amazon Basin and
    Southeast Asia are as often responses to state
    subsidies and volatile inflation rates as they
    are to higher population densities.

10
More theory
  • Because of a new colonial imposed security in the
    plains the Kofyar of West Africa migrated from
    their hilltop intensively cultivated plots to
    lower elevation frontier lands where they
    practiced swidden agriculture despite the fact
    that they had knowledge of intensive farming.
  • In addition to the use of modern inputs, the
    old intensive techniques re-emerged on frontier
    lands once they were filled up and population
    increased (Netting 1968 and 1993).

11
More theory
  • While agreeing that land use change is somehow
    related to population pressure, Geertz (1963)
    contends that land use transformations are
    involutionary, and do not constitute transitions
    to a different system of farming.
  • He demonstrates how the Dutch policies of
    economic exploitation in Java conspired to
    perpetuate the relationship between population
    pressure on scarce land and intensive land use
    based on higher labor inputs with declining
    marginal productivity. These external forces,
    played on the circumscribed and small-sized sawah
    fields production and led, he insists, to the
    emergence of a model of agricultural involution.
  • Within this inconclusive debate, I shall argue
    that the use of mobile telephony has deepened
    market participation, resulting in agricultural
    intensification and higher revenues for farmers
    in southern Morocco.

12
Why Morocco?
  • Ranks 126th on the Human Development Index
  • 1 in 5 Moroccans has a mobile phone
  • What on earth are Moroccans doing with mobile
    phones?
  • Are mobiles just another global fad or tools of
    productivity?
  • Top 40 Berber music on the Portable invasion!!


13
The context Globalization in Morocco
  • 1980s economic crisis
  • Washington consensus/shock therapy
  • Privatization
  • Telecom rapid liberalization- FDI
  • Informal sector effects

14
Mobile Users 1995-2002
15
Methods and data
  • Secondary data
  • Ethnography
  • Questionnaire
  • SPSS

16
A diverse agricultural system trees of value,
cash crops and livestock (dates, olives, apples,
peaches, almonds, cereals, melon, watermelon,,
vegetables, alfalfa, sheep, and cattle)
17
Summary characteristics
  • N 21
  • Age 40.08 (range 21-58)
  • Average farm size 73.66 ha
  • Average Yrs of edu. 9.33 yrs.
  • Marital Status
  • Married 91.7
  • Single 8.3
  • Ethnicity
  • Arab 33
  • Berber 37
  • Haratine 30

18
Device ownership and use per respondent
19
Average Pre- and post cellular phone use income
in Moroccan dirhams
Annual Income before use 178,875.00
Annual Income after 216,329.16
Percentage of Change 20.95
20
Emerging Intensification trends
  • 40 of respondents plan to cultivate time
    sensitive cash crops (mostly vegetables and
    dessert crops)
  • 20 plans to reinforce the Alfalfa-livestock
    commercial complex.
  • 35 plans to plant olives, dates, apples, nuts,
    and market friendly trees.
  • Only about 5 is still keen on expanding land use
    for traditional staples as in wheat and barley
    (E.U. and U.S. dumping practices!)

21
Intensification trends
  • Percentage of change in labor recruitment 93.45
    (increase)
  • 1 mobile phone 6 permanent jobs
  • 1 mobile phone travels about 453.75 km

22
Marketing Patterns of Produce from Errachidia
110 km
23
Old vs. new technology a cell phone is not a
tractor!
  • Not a limited goodthere is no single resource
    to be tapped, the network is the resource. The
    more participation, the greater the economic
    returns on the resource this is not the tragedy
    of the commons. The more use, the greater the
    intensification index.
  • Network effects vs. diminishing competitive
    advantage (not a problem of scarcity)
  • Whats important about mobile phones technology
    is a resource for human agency rather than an
    economic or social force in its own
    rightInterpretive flexibility allowing many
    kinds of information uses and socio-economic
    speed.
  • Low Capital requirements enables individuals, as
    opposed to corporate ownership (differentiation/di
    stinction versus consolidation/ technology rents
    of the Green Revolution)
  • Uses natural human ability voice interaction.
    Highlights a relationship between knowledge and
    capital in agricultural decision-making.

24
Le Portable mobile phone is the sixth pillar
of Islam.
  • It brings markets and market information to
    farmers
  • Breaks down distance barriers.
  • Fosters Zama (short term risk-taking and a
    carpe diem attitude towards produce and
    livestock marketing)
  • Pushes for greater levels of farming
    intensification.

25
Le Portable Matters!
  • It asserts the agency of farmers in a broader
    understanding of land use changeZama and
    risk-taking attitudes.
  • Identifies key characteristics of ICTs that make
    it a suitable resource for decentralized or
    bottom up exploitation of productive
    opportunities.
  • Reframes our understanding about the impact of
    information and connectivity on the direction and
    type of land use change.

26
Special thanks to
  • Intel Corporation funding.
  • Errachidias farmers.
  • Office Regional de Mise en Valeur Agricole du
    Tafilalet.
  • LInstitut National des Postes et
    Telecommunications.
  • Secretariat dEtat aupres du Premier Ministere
    Charge de la poste et des technologies des
    telecommunications et de linformation-SEPTI
  • Agence nationale de reglementation des
    telecommunications-ARNT
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