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Title: How are social distinctions reproduced? Bourdieu on class and culture.


1
Lecture 10
  • How are social distinctions reproduced? Bourdieu
    on class and culture.

2
How are social distinctions reproduced? How does
class work?
  • Bourdieu on cultural capital, habitus
  • Do middle class older women treat their bodies
    differently to working class ones?
  • Are there class differences in culture in UK?
  • http//www.youtube.com/watch?vi0XknwXqLDofeature
    related My generation
  • http//www.youtube.com/watch?vBzIwRpFDZ8I
    Substitute

3
Sources
  • Reading Jenkins, Richard (1992) Pierre Bourdieu.
    London Routledge. Chapter 3. 301.01 Bou/Jen
  • Theory texts
  • Bourdieu, Pierre 1989 Distinction a social
    critique of the judgment of taste London
    Routledge, 301.44 BOU
  • Bourdieu, Pierre. 1990 Reproduction in education,
    society and culture London Sage, 370.1 BOU
  • Bourdieu, P. Structures, Habitus, Practices
    .chapter 20 in Calhoun, C. et al (2002)
    Contemporary Sociological Theory, Oxford
    Blackwell.
  • Examples of attempts to use / operationalise his
    ideas
  • Alex Dumas, Suzanne Laberge, Silvia M, Straka
    (2005) Older women's relations to bodily
    appearance the embodiment of social and
    biological conditions of existence, Ageing and
    Society 25(6)883-902 http//ejournals.ebsco.com/A
    rticle.asp?ContributionID7959823
  • http//www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00jd6rc Laurie
    Taylor, Thinking Allowed, 01/04/2009 from 12-22
    mins interview with Prof Tony Bennett

4
How does class work
  • Classics
  • Marx, social relationship to means of production
  • Weber, relationship to market, contrast with
    status
  • This semester
  • Hidden injuries of class, social psychology of
    inequality work does things to people
  • End of class, social construction rather than
    social ascription, post-modern plastic identity

5
Bourdieu
  • Intellectual problems Bourdieu sets out to solve.
  • Structure and agency, how to incorporate social
    institutions without presenting people as
    cultural dupes rule following robots.
  • Role of class in modern France and in particular
    education and culture
  • Key concepts of habitus and cultural capital.
    social capital

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nner/archives/bourdieu2.jpg
6
Theory of practice habitus
  • Bourdieus reputation as a sociological thinker
    is underpinned by his application of what he
    calls a theory of practice. In which he
    attempts to theorise human sociality as the
    outcome of the strategic action of individuals
    operating within a constraining, but nonetheless
    not absolutely determining, context of values.
  • The term Bourdieu coins to describe this is the
    habitus (Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory 72-95)
    an acquired system of generative schemes
    objectively adjusted to the particular condition
    in which it is constituted (95).
  • Habitus is the mechanism by which cultural norms
    or models of behaviour and action particular to a
    group or class fraction are unconsciously
    internalised or incorporated in the formation of
    the self during the socialization process.
  • Jeff Browitt, (2004) Pierre Bourdieu Homo
    Sociologicus in eds. Jeff Browitt and Brian
    Nelson Practicing Theory Pierre Bourdieu and the
    field of cultural reproduction. University of
    Delaware Press pp. 1-12

7
Theory of practice habitus
  • These dispositions amount to a form of social
    understanding and function as a pre-reflective
    background or cultural conditioning Habitus,
    is a form of symbolic domination, that which
    situates us either the submissive or the dominant
    social hierarchies, radically limit our practical
    capacity as agents to transform the social world.
    These culturally conditioned predispositions to
    act in certain ways should considered more as
    unreflective practical habits, which shape the
    way we act and think in different social
    contexts, or fields. (Browitt 20041)

8
Habitus
  • Habitus refers to socially acquired, embodied
    systems of schemes of disposition, perceptions
    and evaluation that orient and give meaning to
    practices (Bourdieu 1984 17).
  • The internalisation of the social and material
    conditions of existence is central to Pierre
    Bourdieus social theory of practice. The
    conditions of existence shared by a particular
    class of agents generate a habitus, comprising
    schemes of dispositions, perceptions, and
    appreciations evaluations (Bourdieu 1984
    197).
  • The habitus, in turn, orients social practices
    and lifestyles. In other words, peoples social
    conditions of existence produce classificatory
    schemes that constitute the principles of their
    vision and division of the world and that shape
    their perceptions and desires (Bourdieu 1998 8
    Laberge and Kay 2002 24750).
  • (Dumas et al 2005885)

9
Theory of practice cultural capital
  • Bourdieu expands Marxs idea of economic
    capital to encompass all forms of power that
    enable individuals, groups or classes to cement
    or reproduce their position in the social
    hierarchy. (Browitt 20042)
  • economic capital (money and property),
  • social capital (networks of social influence),
  • cultural capital (learned dispositions of taste
    and judgement) and
  • symbolic capital (classificatory categories at
    the service of legitimation),
  • All represent forms of power and domination

10
Economic capital
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11
Social Capital
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12
Cultural Capital
13
Symbolic Capital
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es/2007/05/14/mayqueen_440x330.jpg
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14
Cultural capital
  • Cultural capital is widely recognized as one of
    the late Pierre Bourdieus signature concepts
    The concept of capital has enabled researchers
    to view culture as a resource one that provides
    access to scarce rewards, is subject to
    monopolization, and, under certain conditions may
    be transmitted from one generation to the next.
    As a result, emphasis on cultural capital has
    enabled researchers in diverse fields to place
    culture and cultural processes at the center of
    analyses of various aspects of stratification.
    (Lareau and Weininger 2004105 )
  • Bourdieu developed the concept of cultural
    capital in the context of his educational
    research, and it is in the sociology of education
    that it has had its most sustained impact on
    English-language audiences. (Lareau and
    Weininger 2004106)
  • Annette Lareau and Elliot B. Weininger (2004)
    Cultural Capital in Educational Research A
    critical assessment. pp. 105 144 in D. L.
    Swartz and Vera L. Zolberg (eds) (2004) After
    Bourdieu. Kluwer Netherlands

15
Cultural capital and the sociology of eduction
  • Lareau and Weininger suggest that a dominant
    interpretation, resting on two crucial premises,
    has emerged concerning cultural capital.
  • First, the concept of cultural capital is assumed
    to denote knowledge of or competence with
    highbrow aesthetic culture (such as fine art
    and classical music),
  • Second, researchers assume that the effects of
    cultural capital must be partitioned from those
    of properly education skills, ability, or
    achievement. Together, these premises result in
    studies in which the salience of cultural capital
    is tested by assessing whether measures of
    highbrow cultural participation predict
    educational outcomes (such as grades)
    independently of various ability measures (such
    as standardized test scores).
  • We find this approach inadequate, both in terms
    of Bourdieus own use of the concept and, more
    importantly, we respect to what we see as its
    inherent potential. (Lareau and Weininger
    2004106)

16
Habitus and bodies
  • The notion of habitus also appealed because of
    the centrality of the body in Bourdieus theory.
    In Distinction, Bourdieu (1984 190) argued that
  • the body is the most indisputable materialization
    of class taste, which it manifests in several
    ways. It does this first in the seemingly most
    natural features of the body, the dimension and
    shapes of its visible forms, which express in
    countless ways a whole relation to the body, i.e.
    a way of treating it, caring for it, feeding it,
    maintaining it, which reveals the deepest
    dispositions of the habitus.
  • The quotation encapsulates the multiple
    references and meanings of the phrase (a
    persons) relations to bodily appearance, as
    coined by Bourdieu and used in this paper.
  • Bourdieu (1984), using late-1960s data from
    France, argued that peoples relations to their
    body are deeply anchored in their social and
    material conditions of existence which are
    fashioned by their economic and cultural
    capital. (Dumas et al 2005884)
  • Alex Dumas, Suzanne Laberge, Silvia M, Straka
    (2005) Older women's relations to bodily
    appearance the embodiment of social and
    biological conditions of existence, Ageing and
    Society 25(6)883-902

17
Habitus and bodies
  • These studies suggested that womens tastes and
    practices vary markedly according to their
    positions in the social structure. Bourdieu
    (1984 202) stated that for women the interest
    the different classes have in self-presentation,
    the attention they devote to it, their awareness
    of the profits it gives and the investment of
    time, effort, sacrifice and care which they
    actually put into it are proportionate to the
    chances of material or symbolic profit they can
    reasonably expect from it.

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rthsec01.jpg
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AGs_682x400_616468a.jpg
18
Habitus and bodies
  • Bourdieu illustrated this point by describing how
    women of different social classes varied in their
    valuations of the body, beauty and body care. His
    research showed that working-class women were
    less inclined to value and invest in bodily
    appearance than women from the upper class, who
    placed a greater value on beauty and expended
    greater efforts to enhance it. Upper-class women
    attributed moral value to a well-groomed
    appearance, which created distance between them
    and women whose appearance they perceived as
    neglectful. (Dumas et al 2004884)
  • Dumas, Laberge, and Straka tested out these
    ideas by examining through in depth qualitative
    interviews with older women from different class
    backgrounds how class and age intersect in the
    ways they treat their bodies.

19
Dumas, Laberge, and Straka findings
  • There was a strong contrast between the
    disadvantaged and the privileged womens
    relations to their bodily appearance, which
    corroborated earlier findings from a few studies
    that mentioned peripherally the differentiation
    among older women (Boltanski 1971 Bourdieu 1984
    Featherstone 1987). In Bourdieusian terms,
    womens social positions and their social
    conditions of existence shape their habitus and
    engender social differentials in relations to
    bodily appearance. (Dumas et al 2005897)

20
Dumas, Laberge, and Straka findings
  • Because working-class older women are not far
    removed from economic hardship, the value that
    those in our sample placed on beauty and
    cosmetic care was moderated by other priorities.
    For most, the rewards that they might have gained
    from their appearance were negligible in relation
    to their negative wellbeing for other reasons.
    Although they were very aware of the gap between
    their appearance and social norms of beauty, they
    were generally satisfied with their appearance,
    given the constraints imposed by their conditions
    of existence. Their lives of hardship required
    them to internalise the tastes imposed by their
    social conditions. As Bourdieu pointed out, such
    tastes can be explained by processes that make a
    virtue out of necessity (1984 175). (Dumas et
    al 2005897)

21
Dumas, Laberge, and Straka findings
  • Conversely, older women from the
    intellectual-bourgeoisie had more economic and
    cultural capital, which gave them the freedom to
    engage in various bodily appearance practices
    without compromising their wellbeing.
    Furthermore, their superior economic and cultural
    capital also gave them the temporal freedom to
    value and engage in autoplastic and behavioural
    practices, which corroborates Boltanskis (1971)
    conclusion that, in comparison to others, the
    upper classes have a longer time horizon for the
    maintenance of the body, and subscribe to
    preventive attitudes and behaviour. Many of the
    intellectual-bourgeoisie participants accorded a
    high value to bodily appearance practices that
    had inner-body aims, and they believed that their
    future-oriented outlook would be rewarded late in
    life. (Dumas et at 2005898)
  • However the study also showed that in later life
    for the oldest women class differentiation was
    diminished as it was overshadowed by an age
    habitus.

22
ESRC study - Cultural Capital and Social
Exclusion A Critical Investigation
  • Used Bourdieus concepts to examine relationship
    between class and culture in the UK. Large
    national survey and smaller studies. Set out to
    examine amongst other debates
  • 1. It has been questioned whether cultural
    practices are as centrally implicated in class
    practices of distinction in other countries as
    Bourdieus study suggested they were in France
    where the place accorded assessments of cultural
    competences has been accorded a particular
    significance in the French education system that
    is not matched elsewhere.
  • 2. It has been argued that the significance of
    classed forms of cultural divisions has declined
    significantly since the 1960s owing to the
    levelling influence of television and the rise of
    new forms of cultural omnivorousness which
    reduce any sense of clear separation of strongly
    differentiated class cultures.
  • http//www.esrcsocietytoday.ac.uk/ESRCInfoCentre/V
    iewAwardPage.aspx?awardnumberR000239801
  • Tony Bennett , Mike Savage , Elizabeth Bortolaia
    Silva , Alan Warde , Modesto Gayo-Cal , David
    Wright Culture, Class, Distinction Routledge, 2009

23
Cultural Capital and Social Exclusion A Critical
Investigation
  • Taste for modern, avante-garde art is limited
    to an elite
  • Working class watch more television upper
    classes say they watch less television.
  • Working class less engaged in cultural activity
    theatre, museums, cultural life restricted to
    home.
  • Upper class more likely to be omnivores
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