Title: The Limits of Europeanization: explaining low reform capacity in Greece?
1The Limits of Europeanization explaining low
reform capacity in Greece?
- Work in Progress
- Kevin Featherstone
- LSE
2Greece Europeanization
- Europeanization is everywhere recent growth of
studies of domestic change attributed to
Europeanization. - Risk of normative bias.
- Looking at cause too readily accepting the
effect. Convincing empirical evidence?
3Europeanization as the frame
- Such studies face major challenges in
establishing rigorous causal explanations
identifying - linking mechanisms (Goetz, 2000) between EU
domestic sphere - key intervening variables (e.g. actors,
institutional capability, discourse, policy
structure Radaelli, 2003) - significance relative to other stimuli (external,
domestic). - Non-deterministic outcomes.
4Europeanization frustrated?
- Despite
- high public support for EU membership in Greece
- Declared commitments of successive governments
for EUs EMU Lisbon 2000 Agenda
modernisation. - Greece has been one of the worst in implementing
EU laws, adopting single market legislation
Lisbon reforms. - Why?
5How to explain relative failure?
- Europeanization perspective helps to explain
agenda identify response, but there are limits - Greece displays a paradox of capability
integrated political leadership condition (a
simple polity unitary centralised unicameral
majoritarian) appears to be met, but reform
capacity is low. - To explain non-adaptation, we should not start
from Europe accounting for actor interests
ideas in domestic setting requires other
conceptual frames. - What are we missing in the domestic system to
deepen our explanation of low reform capacity?
6 Structuring interests
- How does domestic system structure rational
interests, behaviour? - Modelling the domestic system mode of interest
mediation (unions-employers-government) politics
of the welfare regime interests derived from
economic model.
7What model? Interest mediation
- Unions parentela pluralism (Pagoulatos, 2003)
diverse but rent-seeking behaviour from state.
Disjointed corporatism (Lavdas, 1997)
corporatist structures lacking compromise
trust, unable to sustain stable pacts. - Historically, statism has structured
expectations of each of the social partners
(including the government) - Conflictual e.g. tripartite social dialogue in
1997, 2000 failed.
8What model? Welfare regime
- Mediterranean-type (Ferrera, 1996) highly
fragmented provision. Peaks of generosity (e.g.
public sector pensions) lack of coverage (e.g.
unemployment benefit). Affects rational
interests undermines labour mobility. - Late-comers agenda (Pierson, 1998) provision
still being created alongside defence of
privileges immovable objects versus agenda on
equity. Powerful vetoes. - High fiscal burden of pension privileges with
social inequity result of political interests,
as well as available resources.
9Politics of pensions
- To some significant extent, technocratic
consensus on need for reform. - Yet, sub-optimal outcomes slow, piecemeal.
- No crafted social model to defend, bare
interests rather than social choice. - Actors defend interests in knowledge of welfare
gaps vulnerabilities in provision, and
expectations of reform weakness. System
encourages them to be risk averse
rent-seeking.
10What model varieties of capitalism
- More state capitalist (Schmidt, 2002) than LMEs
(UK), CMEs (Germany) (Hall Soskice, 2001), but
states impact varies. - Mixed Market Economy (Molina Rhodes, 2005)
more corporatist than in LMEs, but more
fragmented less able to coordinate than CMEs or
deliver collective goods. - Lacks complementarity low social protection,
high jobs protection. Strong domestic veto
points, low reform capacity. Prisoners dilemmas.
11Modelling interests in the Greek economy
Self-employed more than double EU15 av. Family
workers 3x EU15
- Company structure very few large enterprises and
very many micro- and small-firms - Employment structure reflects late
industrialisation importance of services
disproportionate size of agriculture relatively
small manufacturing sector - Participation low participation of women
part-time workers significant problem of
long-term unemployed.
Services 65 Agric12
Female one of lowest in OECD part-time a third
of EU15 average
12Structuring representation
Total Employers organisation density is half
that of EU15 average
Product market regulation 2nd most restrictive in
EU15 worst in ease of doing business (World
Bank).
- Business voice favours few large firms (SEV),
rather than myriad of very small enterprises .
GSEVEE, not representative of small and medium
size businesses in Greece. A fragmented coalition
with no clear agenda. Thus a consensus emerges in
the business community for a domestic market of
anti-competitive regulation, barriers to entry,
relatively cheap labour stable product demand.
Business constituency for liberal market measures
is thus limited and shallow. - Union voices over-represent the public (and
wider public) sector (GSEE, ADEDY), favouring
the interests of a highly protected core group of
workers, rather than temporary irregular,
informal workforce. Prioritises rigidity over
flexibility irregularity.
Overall, union density is above EU15 average, but
unionisation in private sector is low
Ratio labour cost/ hours almost half EU15
13Split rationality differential political voice
- VoC follow median voter. But where is the
median voter? - Split rationality differential political voice
(private sector versus public sector workers)
(few large firms myrid of small enterprises) - Affects rational actor interests towards
privatisation labour mobility pensions. - A problem of governance low reform capacity from
a set of structural conditions distorted
representation, conflictual interests, skewed
limited public provision.
14Bringing the State back in
Govt sector cost highest in EU15 one of lowest
in effectiveness scores
2nd worst in EU in Global Corruption Index
- A long-term statist tradition (a developmental
state) but its effectiveness and efficiency is
comparatively low, undermining the capability to
deliver public goods. - Perceived corruption and tax evasion is very
high, undermining competition and the effective
delivery of public services and functions. Large
informal economy. - State spending on social protection is relatively
high, but skewed and this affects actor
rationality on welfare employment.
Shadow economy (28 of GDP?) largest in EU15
Total Social Expend as of GDP close to EU median
15Addressing the puzzle modelling responses
- There is a weak domestic constituency for market
and welfare reforms, with the rational interests
of key social actors defined by (a) the
limitations of current (welfare) provision and
compensating employment protection (b) protected
markets with stable product demand. - Stop-go, incremental policy reform is the most
likely outcome across such sectors.
16Limits of VoC
- Not a simple problem of selfish unions inertia
of few big firms (nor of party or personality). - Wider systemic conditions need to be
incorporated e.g. - Inefficiency, low resources of state
administration low implementational strength. - Conflicting interests of clientelism undermines
will to reform. - Cultural factors corruption, mistrust,non-complia
nce. - Limited public space for debate on options.
- Above consistent with Simitis, 2007.
17Reform deficit in a conducive economic climate
- Period here is not one of economic difficulty
(with higher adaptational costs), but one of
exceptional growth (with more scope for side
payments) - Thus strength of opposition indicates (a) the
embedded strength of the current system (b) the
failure of new social forces to emerge in the
boom years (c) failure of government to advance
ideas to win support from potential winners
build a reform coalition.
18Yet Greek contrasts
- Capability Greek performance has varied between
sectors. - Very good macro-economic performance since 1996
high GDP growth convergence in inflation,
deficit debt levels. Distinctive features here
external commitment device of EMU relative
autonomy exclusivity of domestic policy
management in this area. - Contrast with problems in enacting supply-side
reforms welfare modernisation weaker EU
leverage a more open and diffuse domestic policy
process. - Testifies to nature of EU policy instrument
(adoption-implementation) how contrasting
domestic settings structure actor access
interests.
19So limits to Europeanization
- For Greece, domestically, a systemic problem of
governance. Low reform capacity from both state
weakness structure of interest mediation. - For EU issues of its ability to coordinate a
programme of economic social reform weakness
of Lisbon process in face of domestic opposition.
Capability-expectations gap? - Conceptually Europeanization VoC
approaches need not be incompatible. One extends
limits of the other. Delve deeper into
structures of rational interest, vetoes to
explain EU effects domestic response
contrasting Greek sectoral performance.