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The Limits of Europeanization: explaining low reform capacity in Greece?

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Title: The Limits of Europeanization: explaining low reform capacity in Greece?


1
The Limits of Europeanization explaining low
reform capacity in Greece?
  • Work in Progress
  • Kevin Featherstone
  • LSE

2
Greece Europeanization
  • Europeanization is everywhere recent growth of
    studies of domestic change attributed to
    Europeanization.
  • Risk of normative bias.
  • Looking at cause too readily accepting the
    effect. Convincing empirical evidence?

3
Europeanization as the frame
  • Such studies face major challenges in
    establishing rigorous causal explanations
    identifying
  • linking mechanisms (Goetz, 2000) between EU
    domestic sphere
  • key intervening variables (e.g. actors,
    institutional capability, discourse, policy
    structure Radaelli, 2003)
  • significance relative to other stimuli (external,
    domestic).
  • Non-deterministic outcomes.

4
Europeanization frustrated?
  • Despite
  • high public support for EU membership in Greece
  • Declared commitments of successive governments
    for EUs EMU Lisbon 2000 Agenda
    modernisation.
  • Greece has been one of the worst in implementing
    EU laws, adopting single market legislation
    Lisbon reforms.
  • Why?

5
How to explain relative failure?
  • Europeanization perspective helps to explain
    agenda identify response, but there are limits
  • Greece displays a paradox of capability
    integrated political leadership condition (a
    simple polity unitary centralised unicameral
    majoritarian) appears to be met, but reform
    capacity is low.
  • To explain non-adaptation, we should not start
    from Europe accounting for actor interests
    ideas in domestic setting requires other
    conceptual frames.
  • What are we missing in the domestic system to
    deepen our explanation of low reform capacity?

6
Structuring interests
  • How does domestic system structure rational
    interests, behaviour?
  • Modelling the domestic system mode of interest
    mediation (unions-employers-government) politics
    of the welfare regime interests derived from
    economic model.

7
What model? Interest mediation
  • Unions parentela pluralism (Pagoulatos, 2003)
    diverse but rent-seeking behaviour from state.
    Disjointed corporatism (Lavdas, 1997)
    corporatist structures lacking compromise
    trust, unable to sustain stable pacts.
  • Historically, statism has structured
    expectations of each of the social partners
    (including the government)
  • Conflictual e.g. tripartite social dialogue in
    1997, 2000 failed.

8
What model? Welfare regime
  • Mediterranean-type (Ferrera, 1996) highly
    fragmented provision. Peaks of generosity (e.g.
    public sector pensions) lack of coverage (e.g.
    unemployment benefit). Affects rational
    interests undermines labour mobility.
  • Late-comers agenda (Pierson, 1998) provision
    still being created alongside defence of
    privileges immovable objects versus agenda on
    equity. Powerful vetoes.
  • High fiscal burden of pension privileges with
    social inequity result of political interests,
    as well as available resources.

9
Politics of pensions
  • To some significant extent, technocratic
    consensus on need for reform.
  • Yet, sub-optimal outcomes slow, piecemeal.
  • No crafted social model to defend, bare
    interests rather than social choice.
  • Actors defend interests in knowledge of welfare
    gaps vulnerabilities in provision, and
    expectations of reform weakness. System
    encourages them to be risk averse
    rent-seeking.

10
What model varieties of capitalism
  • More state capitalist (Schmidt, 2002) than LMEs
    (UK), CMEs (Germany) (Hall Soskice, 2001), but
    states impact varies.
  • Mixed Market Economy (Molina Rhodes, 2005)
    more corporatist than in LMEs, but more
    fragmented less able to coordinate than CMEs or
    deliver collective goods.
  • Lacks complementarity low social protection,
    high jobs protection. Strong domestic veto
    points, low reform capacity. Prisoners dilemmas.

11
Modelling interests in the Greek economy
Self-employed more than double EU15 av. Family
workers 3x EU15
  • Company structure very few large enterprises and
    very many micro- and small-firms
  • Employment structure reflects late
    industrialisation importance of services
    disproportionate size of agriculture relatively
    small manufacturing sector
  • Participation low participation of women
    part-time workers significant problem of
    long-term unemployed.

Services 65 Agric12
Female one of lowest in OECD part-time a third
of EU15 average
12
Structuring representation
Total Employers organisation density is half
that of EU15 average
Product market regulation 2nd most restrictive in
EU15 worst in ease of doing business (World
Bank).
  • Business voice favours few large firms (SEV),
    rather than myriad of very small enterprises .
    GSEVEE, not representative of small and medium
    size businesses in Greece. A fragmented coalition
    with no clear agenda. Thus a consensus emerges in
    the business community for a domestic market of
    anti-competitive regulation, barriers to entry,
    relatively cheap labour stable product demand.
    Business constituency for liberal market measures
    is thus limited and shallow.
  • Union voices over-represent the public (and
    wider public) sector (GSEE, ADEDY), favouring
    the interests of a highly protected core group of
    workers, rather than temporary irregular,
    informal workforce. Prioritises rigidity over
    flexibility irregularity.

Overall, union density is above EU15 average, but
unionisation in private sector is low
Ratio labour cost/ hours almost half EU15
13
Split rationality differential political voice
  • VoC follow median voter. But where is the
    median voter?
  • Split rationality differential political voice
    (private sector versus public sector workers)
    (few large firms myrid of small enterprises)
  • Affects rational actor interests towards
    privatisation labour mobility pensions.
  • A problem of governance low reform capacity from
    a set of structural conditions distorted
    representation, conflictual interests, skewed
    limited public provision.

14
Bringing the State back in
Govt sector cost highest in EU15 one of lowest
in effectiveness scores
2nd worst in EU in Global Corruption Index
  • A long-term statist tradition (a developmental
    state) but its effectiveness and efficiency is
    comparatively low, undermining the capability to
    deliver public goods.
  • Perceived corruption and tax evasion is very
    high, undermining competition and the effective
    delivery of public services and functions. Large
    informal economy.
  • State spending on social protection is relatively
    high, but skewed and this affects actor
    rationality on welfare employment.

Shadow economy (28 of GDP?) largest in EU15
Total Social Expend as of GDP close to EU median
15
Addressing the puzzle modelling responses
  • There is a weak domestic constituency for market
    and welfare reforms, with the rational interests
    of key social actors defined by (a) the
    limitations of current (welfare) provision and
    compensating employment protection (b) protected
    markets with stable product demand.
  • Stop-go, incremental policy reform is the most
    likely outcome across such sectors.

16
Limits of VoC
  • Not a simple problem of selfish unions inertia
    of few big firms (nor of party or personality).
  • Wider systemic conditions need to be
    incorporated e.g.
  • Inefficiency, low resources of state
    administration low implementational strength.
  • Conflicting interests of clientelism undermines
    will to reform.
  • Cultural factors corruption, mistrust,non-complia
    nce.
  • Limited public space for debate on options.
  • Above consistent with Simitis, 2007.

17
Reform deficit in a conducive economic climate
  • Period here is not one of economic difficulty
    (with higher adaptational costs), but one of
    exceptional growth (with more scope for side
    payments)
  • Thus strength of opposition indicates (a) the
    embedded strength of the current system (b) the
    failure of new social forces to emerge in the
    boom years (c) failure of government to advance
    ideas to win support from potential winners
    build a reform coalition.

18
Yet Greek contrasts
  • Capability Greek performance has varied between
    sectors.
  • Very good macro-economic performance since 1996
    high GDP growth convergence in inflation,
    deficit debt levels. Distinctive features here
    external commitment device of EMU relative
    autonomy exclusivity of domestic policy
    management in this area.
  • Contrast with problems in enacting supply-side
    reforms welfare modernisation weaker EU
    leverage a more open and diffuse domestic policy
    process.
  • Testifies to nature of EU policy instrument
    (adoption-implementation) how contrasting
    domestic settings structure actor access
    interests.

19
So limits to Europeanization
  • For Greece, domestically, a systemic problem of
    governance. Low reform capacity from both state
    weakness structure of interest mediation.
  • For EU issues of its ability to coordinate a
    programme of economic social reform weakness
    of Lisbon process in face of domestic opposition.
    Capability-expectations gap?
  • Conceptually Europeanization VoC
    approaches need not be incompatible. One extends
    limits of the other. Delve deeper into
    structures of rational interest, vetoes to
    explain EU effects domestic response
    contrasting Greek sectoral performance.
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