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No Escape from Violence: The Silencing of Women and Children

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Title: No Escape from Violence: The Silencing of Women and Children


1
No Escape from Violence The Silencing of Women
and Children
  • Marie Hume
  • National Abuse Free Contact Campaign

2
Violence following separation
  • The time of separation can be the most dangerous
    time for women and children experiencing domestic
    violence and child abuse (Jaffe et al 2003, Kaye
    et al 2003).
  • In Australia, women are more likely to be killed
    by a male partner or ex-partner than by any other
    person (Mouzos 1999) and it is estimated that
    25-50 percent of women killed by intimate
    partners are killed in these circumstances (Polk
    1994 Mouzos Rushford 2003).
  • Australian homicide data indicates around 75
    mothers and children are killed by husbands and
    fathers each year in the context of domestic
    violence and family breakdown (Mouzos and
    Rushforth 2003).

3
Violence following separation
  • A study by the Australian Institute of Family
    Studies found that 66 percent of separating
    couples pointed to partnership violence as a
    cause of relationship breakdown, with 33 per cent
    describing the violence as serious (cited in
    Brown et al 2001).

4
Culture of contact
  • Despite significant research showing that
    domestic violence and child abuse are a major
    problem within the separating family, the most
    recent changes to the Family Law Act have done
    little to address gendered violence against women
    and children. My thesis in this article is that
    not only are our current child protection and
    legal systems failing to protect women and
    children at this time, the current culture within
    these systems is such that they contribute to
    ongoing abuse and violence.

5
Fatherhood ideology Good fathers/Bad mothers
  • Perusing the parliamentary reports and
    government responses make it clear that the
    problem representation was constructed to be
    absent fathers in the lives of children post
    separation. The concern was expressed in the
    form of a childs right to a meaningful
    relationship with both parents underpinned by the
    belief that fatherlessness impacted negatively on
    children (Samson, 2004, p. 33). (J. Taylor,
    2007)

6
Gendered division of labour
  • Within the intact family it is still true that
    there is a gendered division of labour, with
    mothers continuing to carry out the main
    responsibility for children, sacrificing things
    such as their position in the labour market. Not
    only are mothers obliged to provide the majority
    of the physical responsibilities of parenthood
    but also the emotional relationships within the
    family.
  • This gendered division of labour only becomes a
    problem for fathers on divorce" (Smart p. ix).

7
Power and Control
  • the essence of most fathers rights arguments
    that mothers should continue to do the work of
    primary parenting and fathers should continue to
    have control over the form that maternal
    parenting takes. (Boyd p.3)

8
Bad Mothers
  • Mothers, in the fatherhood discourse have been
    constructed as self-interested and the cause of
    father-absence in childrens lives.
  • Rhoades describes the paradigm of the bad mother
    in Australian family law as the no-contact
    mother (Rhoades 2002, p.4).
  • Thus a story has developed where denial of
    contact by mothers is the major reason fathers
    do not spend more time with their children after
    separation.

9
Opt in/Opt out Parenting
  • Rhoades points out how non-resident fathers can
    breach the terms of contact orders with impunity.
  • A non-resident fathers failure to maintain
    contact with his children attracts no legal
    sanction while the mothers failure to encourage
    contact attracts penalties (Rhoades 2002, p.8)

10
Maintenance of relationships
  • So, as in the intact family, separated and
    divorced mothers continue to be held responsible
    for the maintenance of relationships within the
    family and are penalized by the family law system
    if they fail in this task.

11
Mothers promote contact
  • This is despite empirical studies showing that
    the majority of mothers promote the idea of
    children spending more time with their fathers
    (M. Maclean and J. Eekelaar 1997, as cited in
    Collier and Sheldon, 2006 (p.9) McInnes 2007)
  • The survey date identified that separated
    resident mothers were generally strongly
    supportive of fathers maintaining contact with
    their children after separation. (McInnes 2007,
    p.32)

12
Womens autonomy restrained
  • In the same way that womens autonomy and self
    determination is deliberately impeded in domestic
    violence, the new legislation also constrain
    women from self determination.

13
Degendering of Violence
  • mens abuse of women is historically,
    statistically and globally the predominant
    pattern and the one that causes the most fear and
    physical harm (p.56)(Mirrlees-Black 1999).
    (Humphreys and Stanley)

14
Silencing Womens Voices
  • These zones of uncertainty create sufficient
    ambiguity to silence talk of the violence, and
    this is why mutual responsibility and gender
    neutrality is so insidiously dangerous for women.
    They effectively fudge the effect on women of
    mens violence against them. (Towns )

15
Power and Control Strategies
  • It is the psychological violence that we find
    the foundation of mens violence against women
    the power and control strategies that keep her in
    a subordinate position in order to support a
    mans perception of manhood, womanhood, and
    intimacy. In this context, psychological violence
    can be seen as the basis for all other forms of
    violence. (Humphreys and Stanley)

16
Interpersonal Conflict Paradigm
  • Safety issues become invisible as concerns about
    violence and abuse are subsumed under the
    interpersonal conflict paradigm.
  • Where violence in interpersonal relationships is
    seen as occurring on basis of equality, the
    violence is reduced to interpersonal relationship
    problems and disputes, and renders women and men
    as equally complicit.

17
Interpersonal Conflict Paradigm
  • The fathers movements have taken their
    experiences of these interpersonal conflicts and
    reframed them as issues of justice and
    inequality. In doing so they have obscured the
    structural basis of the gendered division of
    labour that supports and sustains womens greater
    role in child care, and have turned mothers
    objections into an apparently self-interested,
    child harming defence of the status quo. Smart
    2006

18
Best interests of the child
  • In determining this, there will be two primary
    criteria
  • meaningful relationship with both parents
  • protection of the child from physical and
    psychological harm
  • The drafting of the legislation emphasizes the
    parents right to meaningful involvement at the
    expense of child/rens right to safety

19
Fulfilling Responsibilities/ Facilitating
Relationships
  • Section 60CC (3) and (4) outline the friendly
    parent or facilitating parent provision in the
    Act which may also deter women from disclosing
    the existence of male violence against women and
    children.

20
Family violence/child abuse
  • Change to the definition of family violence
  • to include an objective assessment as to
    whether the victims fear is reasonable (despite
    research evidence that only the victim knows the
    signs that are likely to lead to violence)
  • Flood (2005) and Young (1998) have argued that
    the standard of proof demanded by Family Court is
    higher than for the formal civil standard of a
    balance of probabilities. (Braaf and Sneddon,
    2007, p.7)

21
Family violence/child abuse
  • Cost orders for false allegations
  • Where the court is satisfied that a party to
    proceedings knowingly made a false
    allegation/statement, the court must order that
    party to pay some or all of the costs of the
    other party
  • Protective parents risk losing residency
  • No such equivalent penalty exists for false
    denials

22
Family violence/child abuse
  • The most carefully conducted research (such as
    Johnston et al.,2005) suggests that the majority
    of allegations of family violence are
    fundamentally valid. (AIFS,p.166)

23
Barriers in family law
  • The combination of
  • Stricter definition of family violence
  • Penalties for false accusations
  • Friendly parent consideration.
  • Likely to act as a significant deterrent to
    women disclosing the existence of male violence
    during divorce or separation proceedings.

24
Fragmented systems
  • Domestic Violence System - feminist,
    women-centred approach
  • Child Protection System - coercive and
    authoritative history
  • Family Law System

25
The operation of child protection systems in the
context of family law?
  • In fact child protection systems have actively
    sought distance from the family law arena for a
    number of reasons, not restricted to a lack of
    resources to respond adequately to child abuse
    notifications.

26
Child Protection Responses
  • All child protection research on domestic
    violence, both in Australia and elsewhere,
    mentions the way in which child protection
    workers focus on women as mothers and their
    failure to protect their children from domestic
    abuse, rather than on the perpetrator of
    violence.
  • This focus prevents services from adequately
    responding to the dangers of separation and too
    often construing separation as the only possible
    safety strategy. (Humphreys 2007, p.8)

27
Failure to investigate allegations
  • There is also a view within child protection
    systems that once a woman has separated from an
    abusive partner that it is the responsibility of
    the family law to investigate and make
    determinations around the safety of women and
    children.
  • Family Court has no jurisdiction in care and
    protection cases (which are the responsibility of
    State and Territory law) (Harrison, 2007) neither
    does it have the capacity to conduct
    investigations. Without an investigation and
    supporting evidence of abuse, the family court
    proceeds on the basis that the allegations being
    made are false.

28
Link between domestic violence and child abuse
  • A failure, in both child protection fields and
    the family law system to acknowledge and confront
    the link between domestic violence and child
    abuse.
  • This failure makes invisible domestic violence,
    or is treated as different from the child abuse.

29
Family Relationship Centres
  • Family relationship centres will play a
    critical role in shaping (or perhaps re-shaping)
    the family law system as a whole but, because
    they are fundamentally outside legal discourse
    and conventions, they may develop a practice
    framework in which key concepts behind the
    legislation and government rhetoric receive more
    attention than the 2006 Act itself. (Rathus,
    2007, p13)

30
Family Relationship Centres
  • the provisions about shared parenting and the
    strong philosophical positioning of family
    relationship centres as so compelling that
    agreements reached by parents will be bargained
    in the shadow of shared parenting and equal time
    type notions which are
  • deeply embedded in the scripts, promotional
    material and training that are integral part of
    this reform package (Rathus, 2007 p. 74)

31
Dispute resolution?
  • I recall a domestic violence worker saying at a
    meeting I went to that one of the most
    disempowering things that you can do to a victim
    of domestic violence is to describe her
    experience as a dispute. (Behrens, J (2005)
    (p.8)

32
Certificate for Family Dispute Resolution
Practitioners
  • A family dispute resolution practitioner may give
    one of these certificates to a person in the
    following circumstances
  • A certificate to the effect that the person did
    not attend family dispute resolution with the
    practitioner and the other party, but the
    persons failure to do so was due to the refusal,
    or the failure, of the other party to attend
  • A certificate to the effect that the person did
    attend family dispute resolution with the
    practitioner and the other party, and that all
    attendees made a genuine effort to resolve the
    issue(s)
  • A certificate to the effect that the person did
    attend family dispute resolution with the
    practitioner and the other party, but that the
    person or other party did not make a genuine
    effort to resolve the issues.

33
Certificate for Family Dispute Resolution
Practitioners
  • Those parents whose attitude offends the culture
    of cooperation may find themselves with a
    certificate that they did not make a genuine
    effort to resolve the issues. These may label
    future litigants as uncooperative in the court
    system before they have even filed. (Rathus,
    2007, p. 58)

34
Problems with Mediation and Dispute Resolution
  • Screening and assessment tools not foolproof
  • Focus only on physical violence
  • Disclosure of violence often difficult for women
    and children
  • Failure of mediators to recognize male violence
  • Neutrality of mediators power imbalance
  • Women pressured into agreements, particularly
    given paradigm of shared parenting.

35
Looking forwards violence made invisible
  • The family law system is not interested, either
    in Australia or in Britain, in examining past
    conduct except where a clear link can be drawn to
    childrens bests interests (Smart and May, 2005,
    p. 9), and even then in a way which looks
    forward, rather than backwards. While domestic
    violence is clearly fundamentally linked to
    childrens best interests, this link is not
    always readily drawn, and where it is drawn it is
    often with some considerable degree of
    ambivalence. (Behrens, 2005, p.7)

36
Relevance of violence to parenting
  • the family law system, pre-occupied with no
    fault rhetoric, simply is not concerned with
    acknowledging wrongdoing. Even where a victim is
    able to establish that such violence has occurred
    (an extremely difficult task), the focus will be
    upon the future parenting of children, and in
    ways which fail to acknowledge or make reparation
    for the effects of the violence on mother and
    children and generally fail to see the relevance
    of that conduct to future parenting.(Behrens,
    2005, p.12)

37
  • If we were to really take into account the roles
    sexual coercion and violence play in shaping
    human culture and personal identity, fundamental
    structures of thought could well be shaken and
    changed. Such great shifts in world view unsettle
    even those whose privileges and self-images are
    not directly threatened by them (Olafsen et al,
    1993)

38
  • it will not happen because child sexual abuse
    (read male violence) is peripheral to major
    social interests but because it is so central
    that as a society we chose to reject our
    knowledge of it rather than make the changes in
    our thinking, our institutions, and our daily
    lives that sustained awareness of child sexual
    victimisation (read victimisation of women and
    children) demands (Olafsen, et al, 1993, p.19)
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