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Proving or Disproving Theories 324

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Title: Proving or Disproving Theories 324


1
Proving or Disproving Theories (3/24)
  • Theory as methodology
  • Theory as systemics

2
Theory as methodology
  • What is the relation of theory to research?
  • The simple view
  • We test theories
  • by seeing whether they predict correctly.
  • If they predict correctly, they are proved.
  • It is not that simple.
  • Building bridges is hard.

3
Relation of theory to data
  • A theory can neither be proved nor disproved
    by data alone.
  • It is one of the commonest errors of
    undergraduate research to suppose they can.
  • Yet the relation of theories to data is central
    to any empirical science.
  • The facts do not speak for themselves, but the
    verdict of the facts is decisive.

4
Lieberson on Einstein, again
  • When there is a case, like that of the proof of
    general relativity and the disproof of
    Euclidian space, that implies
  • The auxiliary assumptions by which one gets from
    basic principles to observed measures are widely
    accepted.
  • Lieberson was arguing that me need to spend more
    time and attention on middle range theories and
    measurements.

5
Theories cannot be proved true
  • The fact that a theory predicts correctly does
    not show that the theory is true
  • because there are always indefinitely many
    alternate theories for any particular empirical
    finding or body of facts.
  • This is true both of very general theories and of
    very specific hypotheses.
  • It is a well-known empirical fallacy to argue A
    implies B B is true therefore A is true. If
    all humans are female, then Mary Queen of Scots
    was female she was therefore, all humans are
    female.
  • A theory course must make one better able to
    think of alternate theories for any finding.

6
Falsificationism Karl Popper
  • Popper stressed the fact that if a theory
    predicts falsely, this does imply that the
    theory, as formulated, is false.
  • Finding a single black swan shows that it is not
    true that All swans are white.
  • Popper argued that good theories are those that
    make many predictions which could have been false
    but which turned out not to be.
  • This position is called falsificationism, and is
    accepted, with modifications, by many
    sociologists, such as A. Stinchcombe.

7
The point of falsificationism
  • Poppers real targets were Marx and Freud.
  • He thought that conceptions such as the
    unconscious or latent class struggle were
    dishonest ways of avoiding real tests of the
    theories,
  • Which were overly flexible, and could be made
    consistent with any observations, whatever.
  • He argued for simpler theories that generated
    hypotheses that could be directly tested.

8
Why theories cannot be disproved, either
  • The central problem of falsificationism was
    pointed out by one of Poppers students, Lakatos
  • The fact that a theory has predicted incorrectly
    shows that there is some kind of problem with the
    theory or with the assumptions used to apply it,
  • But it does not show what the problem is.
  • Only with indefinitely many auxiliary assumptions
    is any particular data consistent or inconsistent
    with any particular theory.

9
An example the discoveries of Uranus and Pluto
  • For Popper, the discoveries of the outer planets,
    not visible to the naked eye, were among the
    great triumphs of Newtonian mechanics.
  • The theory was specific enough, so that when the
    know planets orbits were not as predicted, it was
    possible to calculate where additional planets
    would have to be to disturb the orbits in the
    ways, observed.
  • But note that Newtonian theory was not rejected,
    but fixed.

10
Dealing with an Anomaly
  • When a theory predicts incorrectly, in a way we
    do not understand, that is called an anomaly.
  • One solution to the anomaly of Neptunes orbit
    was an additional planet, which was found,
  • But many other solutions were possible a dust
    cloud, a magnetic field, a dark body, an optical
    problem, and scientists would never have rejected
    Newtonian mechanics without a superior theory,
    nor should they.
  • Theories only make predictions with auxiliary
    assumptions and if one can make these
    arbitrarily, then any theory can be made
    consistent with any data.

11
Dealing with anomalies
  • Whenever you apply a theory to data you make
    auxiliary assumptions,
  • and the auxiliary assumptions may be
    nonproblematical in any particular case.
  • Anomalies have been part of many scientific
    revolutions, such as Einsteins.
  • Deciding how to respond to an anomaly is a
    theoretical judgment.
  • Usually one makes the simplest, most modest and
    most economical corrections available (e.g.
    measurement assumptions.)

12
Lieberson 2002 and Darwin
  • Sociological theory is more like Darwinian
    evolutionary theory than it is like physics.
  • There is an overall framework
  • but there are different kinds of causes
  • operating at different levels
  • With a lot of historicity.

13
Levels of Theory
  • The core theory involve fundamental principles
    e.g. the nature of time and space in Einstein, or
    the nature of dynamics in Newton and Uranus
  • Stinchcombe includes basic ideas about causality,
    in the core.
  • Auxiliary assumptions involve other forces (All
    other things equal) and measurements.

14
Stinchcombe and the Theory-construction Movement
  • One World uses Stinchcombe as the founder of the
    theory construction movement.
  • Active and important today.
  • Use of systems representations of the basic
    configurations of theory.
  • Addressed the implications of data for theory.

15
Stinchcombes Levels Re Marx
16
Levels Re Culture of Poverty
We have discussed the relation of poverty and
culture of poverty several times. It is useful
to think how these levels might relate to the
data that we analyzed last Monday. (See Below)
17
Theories as Systemics
  • Often there are a lot of specific causal
    influences that have been demonstrated.
  • But it is not clear how they fit together what
    is their dynamic under what conditions the
    effects obtain, etc.
  • Whenever there are feedbacks, the problems become
    intricate.
  • E.g. Myrdal.

18
Feedbacks are inconvenient but dynamically
important
  • Feedbacks enormously complicate empirical
    estimation of causal relations.
  • Therefore 20th c. sociology has tended to ignore
    them
  • But they are dynamically important.
  • Positive and negative feedbacks are explanatory
    primitives.
  • Mid-20th c. systems theory tended to privilege
    the analysis of negative feedback systems, and
    Parsons did even more so.
  • Contemporary chaotic and complex systems dynamics
    tends to look at positive feedbacks.

19
Systems and Sociological Theory
  • Many research models have no feedbacks, but most
    theoretical models are systemic.
  • Functional theory stresses norms and values which
    function as negative feedback thermostats.
  • Conflict theory stresses vicious cycles of power
    and privilege, which operate as positive
    feedbacks.
  • Organization, theory, symbolic interaction, and
    other theoretical approaches can also be most
    simply represented as feedback models.

20
Systems and feedbacks about the culture of poverty
  • Virtually all sociologists would agree the
    poverty and the culture of poverty are mutually
    reinforcing.
  • Most would also agree that INCOME _at_16 is a
    reasonable measure of the effect of poverty and
    that broken families (e.g. FAMILY _at_16) are a
    reasonable measure of culture of poverty.


Poverty
Culture of Poverty

21
Knowing How v. Knowing That
  • These issues are relevant to the kinds of
    disagreement that people have analyzing the data
    on the effects of poverty (e.g. INCOME _at_16) and
    culture of poverty (e.g. FAMILY _at_16) on
    opportunity (e.g. RANK).
  • That is, there are issues of conceptualization
    and measurement.
  • And, there are issues of interpretation of the
    coefficients and partial coefficients.

22
The effect of INCOME _at_16
  • INCOME _at_16 by RANK
  • BELOW AVG AVERAGE ABOVE AVG TOTAL
  • BELOW AVER 3653 4309
    1324 9286
  • 39.3 46.4 14.3 100.0
  • AVERAGE 3699 9154 2658 15511
  • 23.8 59.0 17.1 100.0
  • ABOVE AVER 963 1954 1895 4812
  • 20.0 40.6 39.4 100.0
  • Missing 2988 4920 2288 10375
  • TOTAL 8315 15417 5877 29609
  • 8.1 52.1 19.8
  • Gamma .305
  • What is the size of the effect of growing up poor
    on opportunities?
  • What does this prove, what does it imply, and
    what does it suggest
  • about the complex of cumulative poverty?

23
The effect of FAMILY _at_16
  • FAMILY _at_16 by RANK
  • BELOW AVG AVERAGE ABOVE AVG TOTAL
  • YES 7638 15072 6469 29179
  • 26.2 51.7 22.2 100.0
  • NO 3662 5256 1694 10612
  • 34.5 49.5 16.0 100.0
  • TOTAL11300 20328 8163 39791
  • 28.4 51.1 20.5
  • Gamma -.179
  • What is the size of the effect of growing up in a
    non-intact family
  • on opportunities?
  • What does this prove, what does it imply, and
    what does it suggest
  • about the complex of cumulative poverty?

24
Controls
  • Some people believe that giving poor childrens
    parents money (e.g. AFDC) will largely or
    entirely fix the problems of those poor children
    who also have broken homes (which is many of
    them.)
  • Partly they believe that this will cause fewer
    homes to break up.
  • Some people believe that fixing childrens
    broken homes (e.g. faith based programs) will
    largely or entirely fix the problems of poor
    children.
  • Partly they believe that this will pull most of
    the homes out of poverty.
  • The size and the relative size of INCOME_at_16
    effects and FAMILY _at_16 effects can be suggestive.
  • The effect of one, controlling the other is even
    more sugestive.

25
The effect of INCOME _at_16 controlling FAMILY _at_16
  • INCOME _at_16 by RANK
  • Controls FAMILY _at_16 NO
  • BELOW AVG AVERAGE ABOVE AVG TOTAL
  • BELOW AVER 1446 1522 427 3395
  • 42.6 44.8 12.6 100.0
  • AVERAGE 907 1803 430 3140
  • 8.9 57.4 13.7 100.0
  • ABOVE AVER 208 392 277 877
  • 23.7 44.7 31.6 100.0
  • TOTAL 2561 3717 134 7412
  • 34.6 50.1 15.3
  • Partial Gamma .301 (conditional gamma .260)
  • What is the size of the effect of growing up poor
    on opportunities
  • controlling culture of poverty?
  • What does this prove, what does it imply, and
    what does it suggest
  • about the complex of cumulative poverty?

26
Effect of FAMILY _at_16 controlling INCOME _at_16
(showing only 1st conditional table.)
  • FAMILY _at_16 by RANK
  • Controls INCOME _at_16 BELOW AVER
  • BELOW AVG AVERAGE ABOVE AVG TOTAL
  • YES 2207 2786 896 5889
  • 37.5 47.3 15.2 100.0
  • NO 1446 1522 427 3395
  • 42.6 44.8 12.6 100.0
  • TOTAL3653 4308 1323 9284
  • 39.3 46.4 14.3
  • Partial Gamma -.133 (conditional gamma -.098)
  • What is the size of the effect of culture of
    poverty on opportunities
  • controlling growing up poor?
  • What does this prove, what does it imply, and
    what does it suggest
  • about the complex of cumulative poverty?

27
Functional theory
  • Functional theorists mainly treat society as a
    stable solidary system.
  • Durkheim is the classical example.
  • Parsons view of social structure as a
    self-maintaining normatively integrated system is
    the main contemporary example.
  • There are functional approaches and theories in
    every section and sub field of sociology
  • We have suggested that negative feedbacks require
    or imply functional analysis

28
Conflict theory
  • Other theorists mainly treat society as a
    competitive system.
  • Marx view of modes of production and
    exploitation as replacing each other by a process
    of class conflict is the classic example
  • Mills, Feagin, Massey, and Reskin are
    contemporary examples.
  • We have suggested that positive feedbacks require
    or imply conflict theory.

29
Functions and Thermostats Negative Feedbacks
  • A function is something that is needed
  • e.g. social order, socialization into family,
    economic production, health,
  • Such that a failure to have that need met will
    generate changes to restore it.
  • This self-maintaining structure can be
    represented as a kind of thermostat


Failure to meet need
Anomie search
-
reforms to try to meet functional needs
30
Stinchcombes representation of functional theory

Functional structure (e.g. sweating, ship magic,
inheritance
Homeostatic variable (functional need ) (e.g.
constant body temp. low anxiety, low conflict)
Tensions and shocks
-
-
The only difference between this and the
representation we have been using is that it uses
fancier names and explicitly represents the
notion that you would not need a structure if
it were not for tensions.
31
Conflict theory and Vicious Cycles Positive
Feedbacks
  • Conflict theory treats society as a kind of game
    of monopoly characterized by vicious cycles of
    advantage/disadvantage.
  • Money, power and prestige leads to access to
    further money, power and prestige
  • More generally


Access to further resources
Resources

32
Stinchcombes representation of Marxian theory as
functional

Functions for aristocracy
-
Feudal structure (e.g. peasants tied to the land)
-
Functions for urban employers
-
-
Functions for urban workers
-
i.e. the feudal structure maintains the interests
of the aristocracy, and so they support it
(oppose any erosion of those functions.) But the
feudal structure blocks the urban groups, who
oppose it.
33
Discussion of Stinchcombes representation
  • In Stinchcombes representation says that if what
    benefits one group holds back others, then there
    is a negative feedback supporting it and
    positive feedbacks opposing it.
  • If the system causes urban groups to grow, then
    it dooms itself, and the groups opposing it grow.
  • I believe that this representation recognizes
    positive feedbacks but does not use them as
    effectively as it might.
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