Borrowing: Anything Goes, But Within Limits

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BorrowingAnything Goes, But Within Limits

• Dik Bakker
• Lancaster University

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Between languages, anything may be
borrowed (Thomason Kaufmann 1988 Campbell
1989 Thomason 2001 ) BUT
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Between languages, anything may be
borrowed (Thomason Kaufmann 1988 Campbell
1989 Thomason 2001 ) BUT Typological
differences between source language and target
language put quantitative (and qualitative?)
constraints on what may be borrowed (cf.
Bakker, Hekking Gómez 2008)
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Contact Change
Language 1
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Contact Change
Language 1
Language 2
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Contact Change
Language 1
Language 2
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Contact Change
Language 1
Language 2
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Contact Change
Language 1 (Kannada Dravidian)
Kupwar, Southern India
Language 2 (Urdu Indo-Aryan)
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Contact Change
Language 1 (majority, status, power, education, )
Language 2
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Contact Change
Language 1
Language 2
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Contact Change
Language 1 (Mandarin)
Language 2 (Minority languages)
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Contact Change
Source Language
Target Language
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Contact Change
Source Language
English
Target Language
Many languages of the world
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Contact Change
Source Language
English
Target Language
Many languages of the world
-

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Contact Change
Source Language
English
Target Language
Many languages of the world
-

Minimum change (mainly words)
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Contact Change
Source Language
Spanish
Quichua (Ec)
Target Language
-

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Contact Change
Source Language
Spanish
Quichua (Ec)
Target Language
-

Maximum change (relexification)
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Contact Change
Source Language
Spanish
Quichua (Ec) ? Media Lengua
Target Language
-

Maximum change (relexification)
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Contact Change
Source Language
Target Language
-

Maximum
Lexical borrowing Structural adaptation
Minimum
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Contact Change
Source Language
MOTIVATION Socio-linguistic situation
Target Language
-

Maximum
Lexical borrowing Structural adaptation
Minimum
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Contact Change
Source Language
MOTIVATION Socio-linguistic situation CONSTRAINT
S Typology of TL and SL
Target Language
-

Maximum
Lexical borrowing Structural adaptation
Minimum
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N
27
Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N

• gei ta
• give her

Co-verb NOBJ
30
Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N

• gei ta
• to her

Co-verb N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N
Co-verb N
32
Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
PROTO Sinitic S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N ? N Rel ? Prep N
Co-verb N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
ALTAIC (Mongol) S O V Adj N Rel N N Post
PROTO Sin S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N ? N Rel ? Prep N
Co-verb N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
ALTAIC (Mongol) S O V Adj N Rel N N Post
PROTO Sin S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N ? N Rel ? Prep N
Co-verb N
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Contact Change
PROTO SinoTibetan S O V Rel N
ALTAIC (Mongol) S O V Adj N Rel N N Post
PROTO Sin S V O Rel N
Mandarin S V O Adj N Rel N Prep N N Post
Co-verb N
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Typological evidence

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37
Typological evidence

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Typological evidence

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Typological evidence

39
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WALS Atlas
Haspelmath, M., M. Dryer, D. Gil B. Comrie
(eds) (2005). The World Atlas Of Language
Structures. Oxford Oxford University Press
WALS Online
http//wals.info/

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41
Typological data
WALS

41
42
Typological data
WALS 140 linguistic variables (phonology,
morphology, syntax, lexicon, )

42
43
Typological data
WALS 140 linguistic variables (phonology,
morphology, syntax, lexicon, ) Per
variable map with distribution of values

43
44
Basic order vs Adposition type
45
Basic order vs Adposition type
92 of VO languages
46
Basic order vs Adposition type
8 of VO languages
47
Basic order vs Adposition type
98 of OV languages
48
Basic order vs Adposition type
2 of OV languages
49
Basic order vs Adposition type
50
Contact Change
Source Language
Target Language
Maximum
- Lexical borrowing - Structural adaptation
Minimum
51
Contact Change
Source Language
MOTIVATION Socio-linguistic situation CONSTRAINTS
Typology of TL and SL
Target Language
Maximum
- Lexical borrowing - Structural adaptation
Minimum
52
Overview
53
Overview

• Method

54
Overview

• Method
• Hypotheses

55
Overview

• Method
• Hypotheses
• Languages

56
Overview

• Method
• Hypotheses
• Languages
• Data

57
Overview

• Method
• Hypotheses
• Languages
• Data
• Analysis

58
Overview

• Method
• Hypotheses
• Languages
• Data
• Analysis
• Conclusion

59
Method
60
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
61
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
Immigrant languages (e.g. Urdu in England
Turkish in The Netherlands)
impoverished
62
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• Target language is first/only language of
  informant

63
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• Target language is first/only language
• Target language is dominant in community

64
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• Target language is first language of informant
• Target language is dominant in community
• Distribution of borrowings among informants

65
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• Target language is first language of informant
• Target language is dominant in community
• Distribution of borrowings among informants
• Exclude code switches

66
Method

• Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• 2. One Source Language (controlled)

67
Method

• Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• 2. One Source Language
• - Spanish only source language

68
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Variety among Target
Languages
69
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Variety among Target
Languages - Different genetic affiliation
(language family)
70
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Variety among Target
Languages - Different genetic affiliation -
Typological differences, e.g. Word Order,
Adposition type, Morphological type etc.
71
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
Target Language
72
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects
optimally constant
73
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects
optimally constant - Latin America (?)
74
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects
optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a
representative group
75
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced
interference 6. Spoken data from a
representative group - Recordings of spontaneous
speech
76
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• 6. Spoken data from a representative group
• - Differentiation in
• Age
• Education
• Gender
• Profession
• Mobility

77
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• 6. Spoken data from a representative group
• - Differentiation in
• Age
• Education
• Gender gt 32 informants
• Profession
• Mobility

78
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects
optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a
representative group 7. Look at diachronic stages
79
Method

• 1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference
• ...
• 7. Look at diachronic stages
• e.g. dictionaries and grammars written by
• missionaries

80
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects
optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a
representative group 7. Look at diachronic
stages 8. Hypotheses concerning borrowing
81
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced
interference 8. Hypotheses concerning
borrowing - Universals from Language Typology
(Greenberg Moravcsik but Campbell 1989)
82
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced
interference 8. Hypotheses concerning
borrowing - Universals from Language Typology
(Greenberg Moravcsik but Campbell 1989) -
Borrowing scale (Thomason 2001)
83
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced interference 2.
One source language 3. Typological variety among
target languages 4. More than one dialect per
target language 5. Socio-cultural aspects
optimally constant 6. Spoken data from a
representative group 7. Look at diachronic
stages 8. Hypotheses concerning borrowing 9.
Explanation the role of theories
84
Method
1. Borrowing versus shift-induced
interference 9. Explanation the role of
theories - Functional Grammar (FG Dik 1997)
? Parts of speech theory
85
2. Hypotheses
86
General Hypotheses
87
General Hypotheses

• 1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked
• gt means is borrowed easier than ...

88
Specific Hypothesis

• 1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked
• 1.a Discourse marker gt Case marker

89
Specific Hypothesis

• 1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked
• 1.a Discourse marker gt Case marker

pues,
90
General Hypotheses
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class
91
Specific Hypothesis
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 2.a N gt V gt A gt Adv (
Thomasons scale)
92
General Hypotheses
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical
93
Specific Hypothesis
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical 3.a
Noun gt Preposition
94
Specific Hypothesis
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical 3.a
Noun gt Preposition 3.b Prep gt Aux gt Article
95
General Hypotheses
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical 4. Free
gt Bound
96
Specific Hypothesis
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical 4. Free
gt Bound 4.a Adpos (Prep, Post) gt Case suffix
97
General Hypotheses
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical 4. Free
gt Bound 5. Borrowed with subcategorization
98
Specific Hypothesis
1. Pragmatically marked gt unmarked 2. Open Class
gt Closed Class 3. Lexical gt Grammatical 4. Free
gt Bound 5. Borrowed with subcategorization 5.a
No Preposition in Postpositional language, no
Postposition in Prepositional language
99
3. The languages
100
Languages

• 1. Otomí

101
Languages

• 1. Otomí
• Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)

102
(No Transcript)
103
Languages

• 1. Otomí
• Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
• 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers

104
Languages

• 1. Otomí
• Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
• 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
• SVO/flexible

105
Languages

• 1. Otomí
• Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
• 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
• SVO/flexible
• No adpositions

106
Languages

• 1. Otomí
• Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
• 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
• SVO/flexible
• No adpositions
• Definite article

107
Languages

• 1. Otomí
• Oto-Mangue (Querétaro, Mexico)
• 9 dialects, 200.000 speakers
• SVO/flexible
• No adpositions
• Definite article
• Rigid only V N , no A

108
Languages
(1) d-ar nduxte PRES.1-DET.SG bad I am
bad (gt I am the bad one N )
109
Languages
(1) d-ar nduxte PRES.1-DET.SG bad I am
bad (gt I am the bad one N ) (2) di
dathi PRES.1 ill I am ill (gt I am
illing Vintrans)
110
Languages
(1) d-ar nduxte PRES.1-DET.SG bad I am
bad (gt I am the bad one N ) (2) di
dathi PRES.1 ill I am ill (gt I am
illing Vintrans) (3) xi ntsuti-gi PERF.3
slim-1.OBJ I am slim (gt It has slimmed me
Vtrans)
111
Languages

• 2. Quechua

112
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean

113
(No Transcript)
114
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean (our variety from Ecuador)

115
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean (Ecuador)
• 45 dialects/languages
• 4.5 million Peru
• 2.5 million Bolivia
• 1.5 million Ecuador
• 65.000 ArgentinaChile

116
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean (Ecuador)
• 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
• SOV

117
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean (Ecuador)
• 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
• SOV
• Postpositional

118
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean (Ecuador)
• 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
• SOV
• Postpositional
• No articles

119
Languages

• 2. Quechua
• Andean (Ecuador)
• 45 varieties, 8.5 million speakers
• SOV
• Postpositional
• No articles
• Flexible V N A

120
Languages
(4) rika-sha-ka hatun-ta see-PAST-1SG big-ACC
I saw the big one ( gt N )
121
Languages
(4) rika-sha-ka hatun-ta see-PAST-1SG big-ACC
I saw the big one ( gt N ) (5) chay hatun runa
DEM big man that big man ( gt A )
122
Languages

• 3. Guaraní

123
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay)

124
(No Transcript)
125
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay official language! )

126
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay)
• Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers

127
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay)
• Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
• SVO

128
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay)
• Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
• SVO
• Postpositional

129
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay)
• Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
• SVO
• Postpositional
• No articles

130
Languages

• 3. Guaraní
• Tupi (Paraguay)
• Several dialects, 4.700.000 speakers
• SVO
• Postpositional
• No articles
• Flexible V N A

131
Languages
(6) che-vyá ne-recha-rehe 1SG.POSS-happy
2.ACC-see-of I am happy to see you (gt my
happiness of seeing you gt N )
132
Languages
(6) che-vyá ne-recha-rehe 1SG.POSS-happy
2.ACC-see-of I am happy to see you (gt my
happiness of seeing you N ) (7) a-vyá
ne-recha-vo 1SG-happy 2.ACC-see-when I am
happy to see you ( gt happy me when I see you
A )
133
Languages

• Source Spanish

134
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain Latin America
• USA )

135
(No Transcript)
136
(No Transcript)
137
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain LatAm USA etc)
• Many dialects, gt 260.000.000 speakers

138
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain LatAm USA etc)
• Many dialects, gt 260.000.000 speakers
• SVO

139
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain LatAm USA etc)
• Many dialects, gt 260.000.000 speakers
• SVO
• Prepositional

140
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain LatAm USA etc)
• Many dialects, gt 260.000.000 speakers
• SVO
• Prepositional
• Def and Indef articles

141
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain LatAm USA etc)
• Many dialects, gt 260.000.000 speakers
• SVO
• Prepositional
• Def and Indef articles
• Complex verbal morphology

142
Languages
(8) andar to walk ando I
walk andas you walk anda he
walks andamos we walk andabo I was
walking andé I walked ande may I
walk andiera I might walk estoy andando I
am walking he andado I have walked
143
Languages
(8) andar to walk ando I
walk andas you walk anda he
walks andamos we walk andabo I was
walking andé I walked ande may I
walk andiera I might walk estoy andando I
am walking he andado I have walked
144
Languages
(8) andar to walk ando I
walk andas you walk anda he
walks andamos we walk andabo I was
walking andé I walked ande may I
walk andiera I might walk estoy andando I
am walking he andado I have walked
145
Languages

• Source Spanish
• Indo-European (Spain LatAm USA etc)
• Many dialects, gt 260.000.000 speakers
• SVO
• Prepositional
• Def and Indef articles
• Complex verbal morphology
• Specialized V N A

146
Languages
(9) montaña (N) mountain
147
Languages
(9) montaña (N) montañoso (A) mountain mount
ainous
148
Languages
(9) montaña (N) montañoso (A) mountain mount
ainous (10) rico (A) rich
149
Languages
(9) montaña (N) montañoso (A) mountain mount
ainous (10) rico (A) riqueza
(N) rich richness
150
Languages
151
Languages
152
Languages
153
Languages
154
4. Data
155
Data collected
Respondents Dialects Tokens
156
Data collected
Otomí Respondents 59 Dialects 2 Tokens
110,540
157
Data collected
Otomí Quechua Respondents 59 38 Dialects
2 2 Tokens 110,540 79,718
158
Data collected
Otomí Quechua Guaraní Respondents 59 38
38 Dialects 2 2 2 Tokens 110,540 79,718
57,828
159
Data collected
Otomí Quechua Guaraní Respondents 59 38
38 Dialects 2 2 2 Tokens 110,540 79,718
57,828
160
Example data structure
161
Example data structure
162
Example data structure
163
Example data structure
164
Example data structure
165
Example data structure
166
Example data structure
167
Data collected
Spanish collected to assess
168
Data collected

• Spanish collected to assess
• 1. Level of bilingualism (individual group)

169
Data collected
Spanish collected to assess 1. Level of
bilingualism 2. Influence of Target language on
Source language
170
Data collected
Spanish collected to assess 1. Level of
bilingualism 2. Influence of Target language on
Source language 3. Study the local variety of
Source language
171
Example data structure
172
Digitalized data structure
Informant Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target
Otomí Source Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya
... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. lt . . . gt Bí kaku jar ...
jar ñö /kongPR/ar ... /kongPR/ar 'yo. lt . . .
gt yo mi ... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/. lt . . . gt
173
Digitalized data structure
Informant Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target
Otomí Source Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya
... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. lt . . . gt Bí kaku jar ...
jar ñö /kongPR/ar ... /kongPR/ar 'yo. lt . . .
gt yo mi ... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/. lt . . . gt
174
Digitalized data structure
Informant Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target
Otomí Source Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya
... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. lt . . . gt Bí kaku jar ...
jar ñö /kongPR/ar ... /kongPR/ar 'yo. lt . . .
gt yo mi ... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/. lt . . . gt
Part of Speech Spanish
175
Digitalized data structure
Informant Simon Eleuterio Lucio (SEL) Target
Otomí Source Spanish Ne nör 'yo mi hongu ja ya
... ja /kolmenäN-HR/. lt . . . gt Bí kaku jar ...
jar ñö /kongPR/ar ... /kongPR/ar 'yo. lt . . .
gt yo mi ... mi hongu jar /fraskoN-HR/. lt . . . gt
Part of Speech Spanish
Function Otomi
176
5. Analysis
177
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
178
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
179
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
180
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
 
   
   
181
Borrowings overall (tokens)
   
   
 
Significant at 0.5
 
   
   
182
Borrowing Process
Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
183
Borrowing Process

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• In line with
• relative length of contact history

184
Borrowing Process

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• In line with
• relative length of contact history
• sociolinguistic situation

185
Borrowing Process

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• In line with
• relative length of contact history
• sociolinguistic situation
• amount of bilingualism

186
Borrowings major PoS
 
Que gt Gua gt Oto
Absolute Percentages (Tokens)
 
187
Borrowings major PoS
 
Que gt Gua gt Oto
Absolute Percentages (Tokens)
 
188
Borrowings major PoS
 
Que gt Gua gt Oto
Absolute Percentages
gt
 
189
Borrowings major PoS
 
Que gt Gua gt Oto
Absolute Percentages
gt


 
190
Borrowings major PoS
 
Que gt Gua gt Oto
Absolute Percentages

 
191
Borrowings major PoS
 
Que gt Gua gt Oto
Absolute Percentages

gt
gt
1.9
 
192
Borrowing Scenario (1st attempt)
193
Borrowing Scenario (1st attempt)
Stage n (Oto) mainly N (open ), few V/A
194
Borrowing Scenario (1st attempt)
Stage n (Oto) mainly N (open ), few V/A Stage
n1 (Gua) more V A (open )
195
Borrowing Scenario (1st attempt)
Stage n (Oto) mainly N (open ), few V/A Stage
n1 (Gua) more V A (open ) Stage n2 (Que)
more N (open )
196
Specific Hypothesis
... 2. Open Class gt Closed Class 2.a N gt V gt A
197
Borrowings major PoS
 
Absolute Percentages

lt

gt
gt

1.9
 
198
Borrowings major PoS
 
Absolute Percentages

lt
BUT

gt
Semantic Competition V A N
gt

1.9
 
199
Borrowings major PoS
 
Absolute Percentages

lt
gt
Relative Percentages
gt
1.9
 
200
Borrowings major PoS
 
Absolute
 
201
Borrowings major PoS
 
Absolute
Relative
 
202
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
gt
gt
 
203
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
lt

 
204
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
lt

 
205
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
gt
gt
gt
gt
 
206
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)
Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
207
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns

208
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential ( objects gt concrete )

209
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent easy
  access

210
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua

211
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
lt

 
212
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua

213
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
gt
gt
 
214
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs

215
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex (SPANISH!) less
  accessible

216
Languages
(8) andar to walk ando I
walk andas you walk anda he
walks andamos we walk andabo I was
walking andé I walked ande may I
walk andiera I might walk estoy andando I
am walking he andado I have walked
217
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
• Gua
  (SVOSpa) gt Que (SOVSpa)

218
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
lt

 
219
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
  Gua gt Que
• Borrowing of Adjectives

220
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
  Gua gt Que
• Borrowing of Adjectives
• - optional, unlike V/N

221
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
  Gua gt Que
• Borrowing of Adjectives
• - optional, unlike V/N
• - depends on PoS type

222
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
  Gua gt Que
• Borrowing of Adjectives
• - optional, unlike V/N
• - Que,Gua flexible (V N Adj)

223
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
  Gua gt Que
• Borrowing of Adjectives
• - optional, unlike V/N
• - Que,Gua flexible (V N Adj)
• Oto rigid ( V N, no Adj)

224
Borrowing Scenario (2nd attempt)

• Quechua gt Guaraní gt Otomí
• Borrowing of Nouns
• - referential
• - syntactically relatively independent
• - first category borrowed most open Oto gtgt
  Que,Gua
• - borrowing never stops Que gt Gua
• Borrowing of Verbs
• - sem / synt / morph complex
• - easier when in same syntactic position
  Gua gt Que
• Borrowing of Adjectives
• - optional, unlike V/N
• - Que,Gua flexible (V N Adj)
• Oto rigid ( V N, no Adj)

Que,Gua gtgt Oto
225
Borrowings major PoS
 

Absolute
Relative
gt
gt
gt
gt
 
226
Borrowings major PoS
     
Scenario I (length of contact)
Better Explanation Scenario II
(typological differences)

   
227
Borrowings grammatical
     
   
228
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
   
   
 
229
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
?
lt
lt
   
 
230
Borrowings grammatical
     
N.B. ABSOLUTE no competition
   
231
Borrowings grammatical
     
N.B. ABSOLUTE
   
232
Borrowings grammatical
     
N.B. ABSOLUTE
   
233
Borrowings grammatical
     
N.B. ABSOLUTE
   
234
Borrowings grammatical
     
N.B. ABSOLUTE
   
235
Borrowings grammatical
     
N.B. ABSOLUTE
   
236
Borrowings grammatical I
     
ALL INFORMANTS
   
237
Borrowings grammatical I
     
ALL INFORMANTS
   
238
Borrowings grammatical I
     
Otomí
   
239
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos (prep post)

   
240
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos
• no other way of case marking

   
241
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos
• no case markers
• but prenominal adverbs

   
242
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos
• no case markers Function
  Syntax
• but prenominal adverbs
  

   
243
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos
• no case markers Function
  Syntax
• but prenominal adverbs
  
• Guaraní, Quechua

   
244
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos
• no case markers Function
  Syntax
• but prenominal adverbs
  
• Guaraní, Quechua
• - postpositions / case markers (Que)

   
245
Borrowings grammatical I
     

• Otomí
• no adpos
• no case markers Function
  Syntax
• but prenominal adverbs
  
• Guaraní, Quechua
• - Postpositions / case(Que) Function Syntax
  (-) -

   
246
Borrowings grammatical II
     
ALL INFORMANTS
247
Borrowings grammatical II
     
ALL INFORMANTS
248
Borrowings grammatical II
     
la ART(fem)1764 nsp37 (of 38) ? SG
249
Borrowings grammatical II
     
la ART(fem)1764 nsp37 (of 38) ? SG   lo
ART(pl) 157 nsp19 ? PL
250
Borrowings grammatical II
     
Otomí has DefArt
251
Borrowings grammatical II
     
Otomí has DefArt Guaraní no Art
252
Borrowings grammatical II
     
Otomí has DefArt Guaraní no
Art Quechua no Art
253
Borrowings grammatical II
     
?
Otomí has Art Guaraní no Art Quechua
no Art
254
Borrowings grammatical II
     
Function in Guarani la and lo typically used
as demonstrative , not definiteness marker
255
Borrowings grammatical II
     
Function in Guarani la and lo typically used
as demonstrative , not definiteness marker ?
Topic marker (none in Gua exists in Que -ka )
256
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
?
lt
lt
   
 
257
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt

• Subtract ART
• ( topic marker)
• FG in grammar,
• bypassing lexicon

   
 
258
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt

• Subtract ART
• ( topic marker)
• FG in grammar,
• bypassing lexicon

   
Adpos ? lexical (ADV), not grammatical
 
259
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
   
 
260
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
?
lt
lt
   
 
261
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
?
   
lexical
Unlimited large, open categories
 
262
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
?
   
lexical
Limit Complete relexification (100) Media
Lengua Creoles
 
263
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
?
   
lexical
Unlimited large, open categories
 
Limited small, closed categories
grammatical
264
Borrowings lex vs gram
   
     
     
gt
gt
!
   
lexical
Unlimited large, open categories
 
Limited small, closed categories
grammatical
Relative overrepresentation early on
265
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
 
 
 
266
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
QUECHUA IMBABURA (Ecuador) BOLIVAR (Peru)
 
 
 
267
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
GUARANI CITY (Asunción) RURAL (several
villages)
QUECHUA IMBABURA BOLIVAR
 
 
 
268
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
OTOMI SANTIAGO TOLIMAN
GUARANI CITY RURAL
QUECHUA IMBABURA BOLIVAR
 
 
 
269
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
 
 
 
270
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
gt
 
 
 
271
   
 
 
Stability across dialects
gt
 
 
 
272
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
gt
 
 
 
273
   
 
 
Stability across dialects
lt
 
 
 
274
   
 
   
 
Stability across dialects
gt
lt
 
 
 
275
6. Conclusion
276
Specific Hypotheses
277
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker
278
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker YES Guaraní
borrows Spanish Def Art, interpreted as
TOPIC marker
279
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt A
280
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A YES for all 3 languages, but V A type
specific
281
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A Y-T 3.a N gt Adpos
282
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A Y-T 3.a N gt Adpos YES, but different for
different language types
283
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A Y-T 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos gt Aux
gt Article
284
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A Y-T 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos gt Aux
gt Article Depends on type of language
285
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A Y-T 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos gt Aux
gt Article T 4. Adpos gt Case affix
286
Specific Hypotheses

• 1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y
• 2. N gt V gt A Y-T
• 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T
• 3.b Adpos gt Aux gt Article T
• 4. Adpos gt Case affix
• (YES, but case not relevant for Spanish)

287
Specific Hypotheses
1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y 2. N gt V gt
A Y-T 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T 3.b Adpos gt Aux
gt Article T 4. Adpos gt Case affix - 5.
No Preposition in Postpositional language
288
Specific Hypotheses

• 1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y
• 2. N gt V gt A Y-T
• 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T
• 3.b Adpos gt Aux gt Article T
• 4. Adpos gt Case affix -
• 5. No Preposition in Postpositional language
• YES, almost 100

289
Specific Hypotheses

• 1. Discourse marker gt Case marker Y
• 2. N gt V gt A Y-T
• 3.a N gt Adpos Y-T
• 3.b Adpos gt Aux gt Article T
• 4. Adpos gt Case affix -
• 5. No Prep in Post language Y-T

290
General observations
291
General observations
1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N gt V gt A)
do not work straightforwardly
292
General observations
1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N gt V gt A)
do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost,
and continues over time
293
General observations
1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N gt V gt A)
do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost,
and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS
depend on typology
294
General observations
1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N gt V gt A)
do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost,
and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS
depend on typology 4. Adpos function in target
language subcategorization in
source language
295
General observations
1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N gt V gt A)
do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost,
and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS
depend on typology 4. Adpos function in target
language subcategorization in
source language 5. Article (re)interpreted as
discourse marker
296
General observations
1. Simple borrowing hierarchies (N gt V gt A)
do not work straightforwardly 2. N is foremost,
and continues over time 3. Other lexical PoS
depend on typology 4. Adpos function in target
language subcategorization in
source language 5. Article (re)interpreted as
discourse marker 6. Borrowing hierarchies should
be refined on the basis of typological
characteristics of the source and target language
297
Reference
Bakker, D., J. Gómez-Rendón E. Hekking (2008).
Spanish meets Guaraní, Otomí and Quichua a
multilingual confrontation. In Th. Stolz, D.
Bakker R. Palomo (eds) Aspects of Language
Contact. Mouton de Gruyter, 165-238. Campbell,
Lyle (1989). On proposed universals of
grammatical borrowing. In Papers from the 9th
international conference on historical
linguistics, Henk Aertsen, and Robert J.
Jeffers (eds), 91109. Amsterdam John
Benjamins. Dik, Simon C. (1997). The theory of
functional grammar. Berlin Mouton de
Gruyter. Moravcsik, Edith (1978). Universals of
language contact. In Universals of language, Vol
I, Method and theory, Joseph Greenberg (ed.),
95122. USA Stanford University
Press. Thomason, Sarah G. (2001). Language
contact. An introduction. Edinburgh Edinburgh
University Press.
298
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