The Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis Revisited' Effects of syllable structure and withinword position

1
The Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis Revisited.
Effects of syllable structure and within-word
position on H placement in Catalan and Spanish

• Pilar Prieto, ICREA-UABss
• Institut de la Communication Parlée
• Grenoble, November 24, 2005

2
Plan of the Talk

• Introduction

• Factors affecting tonal alignment
• Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis (Ladd et al.,
  1999, Ladd 2003, 2004, to appear)
• Tonal alignment in Catalan and Spanish

• Segmental Anchoring in Spanish (joint work with
  F. Torreira)
• Experiment 1. To verify if H peaks are anchored
  to a specific segmental site in words contrasting
  in syllable structure and segmental composition.
• Experiment 2. To verify if H peaks are anchored
  to a specific segmental site in words contrasting
  in syllable structure and uttered at different
  speech rates.

3
3. Effects of within-word position in Catalan and
Spanish (joint work with E. Estebas and M. Mar
Vanrell) Experiment 1 To verify if H peak
placement is affected by within-word position and
if Hs are anchored at the right edge of the
prosodic word in Catalan and Spanish.
Experiments 2 and 3 To verify if Catalan and
Spanish listeners are able to use tonal alignment
differences due to within-word position in the
identification and discrimination of words with
ambiguous word boundary location.
4
Regularities in tonal alignment

• Increasing evidence that LH points in the tonal
  space are aligned with the text in extremely
  consistent ways
• .

• Crosslinguistic regularity for L alignment in LH
  rises, i.e. L is anchored at onset of accented
  syllable
• Caspers van Heuven 1993 for Dutch Prieto, van
  Santen Hirschberg 1995 for Spanish Arvaniti,
  Ladd Mennen, 1998 for Greek Ladd, Faulkner,
  Faulkner Schepman 1999 and Ladd, Mennen
  Schepman 2000 for English Xu, 1998 for Mandarin
  Chinese Estebas-Vilaplana 2000 and Prieto 2005
  for Catalan)

• H alignment is quite variable peaks can
  variably be positioned by the end of the stressed
  syllable or at the following unstressed syllable,
  
• Silverman Pierrehumbert 1990 for English
  Prieto, van Santen Hirschberg 1995 for Spanish
  Arvaniti, Ladd Mennen, 1998 for Greek Prieto
  2005 for Catalan.

5
Prosodic factors affecting H alignment

• H placement has been shown to be greatly
  affected by the right-hand prosodic context
• Tonal crowding Peaks are retracted before
  upcoming pitch accents and boundary tones (Bruce,
  1977 Silverman Pierrehumbert 1990, Prieto et
  al. 1995, DImperio 2001, Prieto 2005, etc.)
• Word boundaries Peaks are retracted before
  upcoming word boundaries (see Silverman
  Pierrehumbert 1990 for English, Prieto, van
  Santen Hirschberg 1995 for Spanish and
  Arvaniti, Ladd Mennen 1998 for Greek).

6
Segmental Anchoring Hypothesis (SAH)

• An unexpected stability effect was found when
  little or no tonal pressure was exerted on Greek
  pitch accents (Arvaniti, Ladd Mennen 1998). The
  H target aligned with the end of the
  postaccentual onset.
• Strict alignment effects are pervasive under
  changes of syllabic/segmental structure and
  speech rate Arvaniti Ladd 1995 for
  Greek Ladd et al. 1999 for English Xu 1998 for
  Chinese Schepman et al. in press for Dutch
  Atterer Ladd 2005 for German)

Segmental anchoring hypothesis Ls and Hs are
anchored to specific points in the segmental
structure, regardless of speech rate, segmental
composition or syllable structure (Ladd et al
1999, Ladd 2003, 2004, in press).
7
Phonetic differences in H alignment across
languages
Segmental and syllabic anchoring of trailing
tones across different languages in contexts
without tonal coarticulation. Segments
Cconsonant, Vvowel, Ncoda, Ssyllable
Structure 0accented syllable, 1postaccentual
syllable (ex C0V0N0.C1V1).
8
Non-predicted facts

• Effects of within-word position on alignment
  peaks are retracted before upcoming word
  boundaries Silverman Pierrehumbert
  1990 for English, Prieto, van Santen Hirschberg
  1995, de la Mota 2005, Estebas Prieto 2005,
  Simonet Torreira 2005 for Spanish, Arvaniti,
  Ladd Mennen 1998 for Greek, Ishihara
  forthcoming for Japanese.
• Effects of syllable structure on alignment
  peaks are retracted before upcoming syllable
  boundaries (alignment is later in closed than in
  open syllables). DImperio 2000, DImperio,
  Petrone Nguyen in press for Neapolitan Italian,
  Ladd et al 2000 for Dutch, Prieto Torreira 2004
  for Spanish, Welby Loevenbruck 2005, in press
  for French, Hellmuth submitted for Egyptian
  Arabic).
• Effects of segmental composition (and coda
  type) on alignment van Santen Hirschberg, 1994
  for English Rietveld Gussenhoven 1995 for
  Dutch, Prieto Torreira 2004 for Spanish, Welby
  Loevenbruck 2005, in press for French.

9
Segmental anchoring in Spanish

• GOALS OF EXPERIMENTS 1 and 2 To verify the
  predictions of the SAH for Spanish, that is,
  whether prenuclear H peaks are anchored to a
  specific point in the segmental string.
• PREDICTIONS OF THE SAH Prenuclear peak position
  should not be affected by the following factors
• segmental composition in the syllable
• syllable structure
• speech rate

Experiment 1 focuses on the effects of segmental
and syllabic composition on prenuclear peak
placement.
Experiment 2 focuses on the effects of syllable
structure and speech rate on prenuclear peak
placement.
10
Experiment 1

• GOAL test the effects of segmental and syllabic
  composition on prenuclear peak placement.
• MATERIALS target accented syllables in
• open and closed syllables
• coda type lateral/nasal
• onset type lateral/nasal, also complex onsets
• distance of 2 syllables to next accented syllable
• ? next slide
• SPEAKERS 3 female speakers of Castilian Spanish
  (Madrid) read a corpus of 96 sentences exhibiting
  the phonological variety needed to test our
  hypothesis
• A total of 432 tokens (48 utterances x 3 speakers
  x 3 repetitions)

11
(No Transcript)
12
Example of prenuclear LH

• Contour typically found in read speech initial
  prenuclear H does not exhibit peak displacement.

13
Labeling Scheme

• The following measurements in ms were manually
  extracted from the accented region
• o onset of the utterance
• c0 initial consonant in the accented
  syllable
• v0 vowel in the accented syllable
• k0 coda in the accented syllable
• c1 initial consonant in the postaccentual
  syllable
• v1 vowel in the postaccentual syllable
• c2 end of the postaccentual syllable
• ew end of the word
• phrase-initial and final points (only Exp 2)
• L valley in LH accent
• H peak in LH accent

14
Example of prenuclear LH
Beginning of the sentence Emilio Rodríguez
terminó ayer (02b, Raquel 2rep)
15
Effects of syllable duration

• High positive correlation between syllable
  duration and H delay
• H is retracted in closed syllables

16
Effects of syllable structure

• Closed syllables display a significantly later H
  alignment than open syllables for the 3 speakers
• A two-way ANOVA showed significant effects for
  both SYLSTRUC and SPEAKER (plt0.000), plus an
  interaction between the two (p0.009)

17
Effects of coda type

• Separate two-way ANOVAs revealed significant
  effects for SPEAKER (plt0.000), CODATYPE (plt0.000)
  both for hdelay and htoev0. For hdelay/codatype
  an interaction between SPEAKER and CODATYPE was
  found (plt0.013). No significant interaction
  (p0.097) was found in the case of htoev0.

18
Conclusions (Exp. 1)

• Experiment 1 reveals a loose alignment of H
  peaks towards the end of v0 depending on the
  following factors
• Syllable duration Durations of onset and vowel
  have a linear effect on H placement.
• Syllable structure Closed syllables display a
  significant later alignment than open syllables.
• Segmental composition Coda type has an effect on
  peak alignment, as peaks align later in nasal
  codas than in lateral codas.

19
Experiment 2

• GOAL to test the effects of syllable structure
  and speech rate on prenuclear H placement.
• Same 3 speakers of Castilian Spanish read twice
  16 target syllables in proparoxytone words, at a
  normal, fast and slow rates.
• A total of 288 utterances (16 utterances x 3
  speech rates x 3 speakers x 2 repetitions).

20
Speech materials

• The database consisted of a total of 16 test
  proparoxytonic words, divided in 2 groups open
  vs. closed syllables.

21
Effects of syllable duration

• High correlation (around 0,90) between syllable
  duration and H delay for the 3 speakers (exc 1
  case)
• Less delay in syllables with no coda

22
Effects of syllable structure

• Peaks more retracted into the syllable in closed
  syllables differences are statistically
  significant for the 3 speakers.
• No strict anchoring at end of V0 nor at end of
  syllable

23
No anchoring at syllable or vowel ends

• Peaks signif. displaced to the right in closed
  syllables (t-test significances at p lt 0,0001)
• No anchoring at end of V

24
Effects of syllable structure

• Tonal H targets are not anchored at the vocalic
  offset clear syllable structure effects.

Tonal target for mándola is normally realized
within the coda consonant.
Tonal H target for nómina is not strictly
anchored at the vocalic offset.
Late Alignment -gt mándola

Early Alignment -gt nómina
Ex.
nómina payroll
mándola mandolin
l
25
Potential explanations

• CVC syllables are longer than CV syllables ?
  thus, H is lately aligned in CVC syllables
• ? NO, in a subset of CV/CVC syllables of around
  the same duration, peak delay is significantly
  different (also, different correlation
  coefficients)
• H is loosely anchored to end of the vowel.
  Following articulatory phonology, the
  coordination of gestures is more systematic in
  onset positions (in-phase) than in coda positions
  (off-phase).
• ? Yet, the amount of variability in H alignment
  is around the same in CV vs CVC syllables
• Yet, why is it lately aligned in CVC syllables?
  A perceptual explanation.

l
26
Parallel findings in other languages

• Parallel findings for other languages Ladd et al
  (2000) for Dutch, DImperio (2000) and DImperio,
  Petrone Nguyen (2005) for Neapolitan Italian,
  Gili Fivela Savino (2003) for Pisa and Bari
  Italian, Welby Loevenbruck (2005) for French
• Hellmuth (submitted) for Egyptian Arabic

27
Effects of speech rate

• As expected, speech rate (fast, normal, slow) had
  a significant effect on utterance length (in ms).
  
• ANOVA shows significant effect of rate on
  utterance length at p lt 0,0001 for each speaker.

28
Effects of speech rate

• Peaks are retracted as speech rate decreases, for
  the 3 speakers.
• ANOVAs show statistically significant effects of
  speech rate for 2 speakers

29
Effects of speech rate, discussion

• Xu (2001) for Mandarin Chinese, same as in
  Spanish at fast speech rate, peak delay is more
  frequent it occurs not only regularly in the R
  and weakened H tones, but also frequently in the
  H tone.
• Patterns for English are the opposite (Steele
  1986, Silverman Pierrehumbert 1990, Ladd et al
  1999). Ladd et al (1999) for English found that
  some speakers showed earliest alignment at
  normal rate, slightly later at fast rate and
  considerably later at slow rate. (p. 1549).
• Language-specific differences? In rising pitch
  accents with increasing speech rate, the peak is
  placed earlier in Bulgarian and later in Polish.
  (Andreeva Oliver 2005)
• Speaker differences? Welby Loewenbruck (2005,
  in press) found no effects of rate on alignment
  and non-consistent effects of speech rate on rise
  time, slope and F0 excursions (with great
  inter-speaker variability).

30
Conclusion (Exp. 2)

• Exp. 2 also shows that prenuclear peaks in
  Spanish are loosely anchored at end of V0,
  depending on the following factors
• Duration of the syllable of the syllable is
  positively correlated with H delay
• Syllable structure Closed syllables display a
  significant later alignment than open syllables.
• Speech rate peaks are retracted as speech rate
  decreases (fast gt normal gt slow).
• The 3 factors (together with syllable duration)
  significantly contribute to linear regression
  models of peak placement, sylldur and syllstruct
  being the most relevant (R2 80-90).

31
General conclusion

• Strong version of the segmental anchoring
  hypothesis cannot be maintained.
• We need a notion of anchorage (Welby
  Loevenbruck 2005, in press), that is, a region
  within which an intonational turning point can
  anchor
• But the turning point choice is not completely
  unconstrained. We need to consider H placement is
  also systematically conditioned by the following
  factors
• tonal pressure
• by prosodic domain adjustments (ie, syllables and
  prosodic words).

32
Part 2Effects of within-word position in H
placement in Catalan and Spanish
33
Catalan and Spanish prenuclear accents

• L anchored with onset of accented syllable
• H generally displaced to the postaccentual
  syllable (Prieto 1995 for Spanish and
  Estebas-Vilaplana 2000, 2003 for Catalan).

Broad focus statements

• Volen una nena La Marina vol
  demanar-lhi
• They want a girl Mary wants to ask him

34
Effects of word boundaries on H location in
Catalan and Spanish

• Recent experiments have suggested that prenuclear
  peaks in both Catalan and Spanish strictly align
  with the word-boundary location (Arranz Garrido
  ms for Spanish and Estebas-Vilaplana 2000, 2003
  for Catalan).
• Estebas-Vilaplana (2000, 2003) analyzes Catalan
  prenuclear rises as sequences of a low pitch
  accent (L) plus a word edge tone (H) anchored at
  the end of the word.
• Other experiments show that peaks tend to shift
  backwards as their associated syllables approach
  the end of the word
• Silverman Pierrehumbert 1990 for English,
  Prieto et al 1995 and Prieto Torreira 2004 for
  Spanish Arvaniti, Ladd Mennen 1998 for Greek
  Ishihara in press for Japanese.
• ? Prieto et al. (1995) a significant effect of
  word position on peak delay in phrases such as
  número rápido, numero nervioso, numeró regular,
  where potential effects of clash were
  neutralized.

35
Goals of the study

• To clarify the role of word-edge tones in
  prenuclear accents of broad focus declaratives in
  Catalan and in Spanish.
• Experiment 1. To verify the effects of
  within-word position on H peak placement and test
  the hypothesis that H is anchored at the right
  edge of the prosodic word.
• Experiments 2 and 3. To verify whether Catalan
  and Spanish listeners are able to use tonal
  alignment differences due to within-word position
  in the identification and discrimination of words
  with ambiguous word boundary location

36
Experiment 1

• MATERIALS 20 pairs of potentially ambiguous
  utterances which are only distinguished by word
  boundary location.
• CATALAN words with a pitch accent on the final
  and penultimate syllables.

Comprà ventalls (s)he bought fans w-fin Compra
ven talls they bought pieces w-med

• SPANISH Words with a pitch accent on the
  final, penultimate and
• antepenultimate syllables.

Ve bovinos s(he) sees cows fin Bebo
vinos s(he) drinks wines pen pen Sube
Melino Melino goes up pen Súbeme lino
Bring up the linen for me ante

• 3 speakers read the 20 pairs 4 times (40 x 4
  160 sentences per speaker, for a total of 480
  utterances for each language)

37
Comprà ventalls Compraven talls
Comprà ventallets de vim Compraven
tallets de vim
38
Labeling Scheme

• Key points manually placed
• Segmental landmarks (in ms)
• On the target accented syllable beginning of
  onset and vowel
• On the target postaccentual syllable beginning
  of onset, vowel, and coda (whenever present) end
  of the postaccentual syllable, end of the onset
  of the following syllable.
• Phrase-final point
• Pitch landmarks
• L1, valley of the first pitch accent (in Hz)
• H1, peak of the first pitch accent (in Hz)

39
Example of prenuclear LH
Waveform display, F0 contour, and labels
corresponding to the utterance Compraven talls
they bought pieces (speaker AG).
40
Results

• Strong correlation between H delay and syllable
  duration for the 3 speakers (correlation coef.
  0,67-0,82)
• Difference in H delay between two groups Hs in
  word-final position (e.g., comprà ventalls) are
  less delayed than in word-medial position (e.g.,
  compraven talls)

41
Spanish

• Difference in H delay between the three groups
  1) Hs in fin-accented words (e.g. ve bovinos)
  are less delayed than Hs in pen-accented words
  (e.g. bebo vinos) 2) Hs in pen-accented words
  (e.g. sube Melino) are less delayed than Hs in
  ante-accented words (e.g. súbeme lino).

Speaker EV
Speaker RA
Speaker TE
42
H Alignment H Delay

• Clear effects of within-word position on H
  placement in the two languages peaks are less
  displaced in fin-accented words than in
  pen-accented and ante-accented words (longer H
  delay).
• Differences statistically significant for the 3
  speakers for the 2 languages (two-tailed t-tests
  significant at p lt 0,0005).

Catalan
Spanish
43
H Distance End Syllable
Catalan
Spanish

• CATALAN SPANISH

• All F0 peaks are displaced to the postaccentual
  syllable or syllables
• (all peaks are located beyond the 0 value).
• Differences statistically significant for all
  speakers
• (two-tailed t-tests significant at plt0.0005 for
  both languages).
• No strict anchoring of the H at the end of the
  word.

44
H Distance End Word

• No strict word anchoring effects found peaks are
  located before the end of the word (-72 ms) if
  the accented syllable is word-medial and after
  (48 ms) if it is word-final.
• Differences statistically significant for the 3
  speakers for the 2 languages separate ANOVAs for
  the 2 peak placement variables revealed a
  significant effect of within-word position.

Spanish
Catalan
45
Summary

• F0 alignment differences (Catalan)
• w-medial w-final
• compraven talls comprà ventalls

100 ms
60 ms
?
?

• Results have been confirmed in recent studies
  for laboratory and spontaneous speech for Spanish
  (de la Mota 2005, Simonet Torreira 2005,
  Simonet 2005)

46
Duration patterns

• Accented syllables in word-final position are
  slighly longer than syllables in internal
  position, except for speaker AG (comprà ventalls
  vs. compraven talls)
• Separate ANOVAs for this duration variable
  revealed no significant effects of word boundary
  for most of the speakers (except for Cat AG and
  Span EV).

Spanish
Catalan
47

• Postaccentual syllables in word-final position
  are slighly longer than syllables in word-initial
  position, except for speaker AG (comprà ventalls
  vs. compraven talls).
• Separate ANOVAs for this duration variable
  revealed no significant effects of word boundary
  for all of the speakers (except for speaker PP).
• No consistent effects of within-word position on
  duration patterns.

Catalan
Spanish
Similar findings for English which acknowledge
small duration effects in word-initial or
word-final position, mostly in accented syllables
(Turk White 1999, Turk Shattuck-Hufnagel
2000) .
48
Pilot perception tests1. Identification test

• GOAL to check whether H alignment differences
  could be used to identify word boundaries between
  otherwise identical sentences.
• MATERIALS 10 ambiguous utterances from the
  production test for both languages.
• SUBJECTS 12 listeners for Catalan and 20 for
  Spanish heard the ambiguous utterances a maximum
  of three times and had to identify the sentence.
• TASK two-choice task.
• Stimuli Task - choose between
• Da balazos 1. Da balazos
• 2. Daba lazos

49
Pilot perceptual experiments 1. Identification
task

• GOAL Are differences in range and in peak
  location used by listeners to perceive
  differences in word-boundary location?
• MATERIALS 10 (for Catalan) and 12 (for Spanish)
  ambiguous utterances from the production test.
• TWO TASKS 12 listeners for Catalan and 20 for
  Spanish heard the ambiguous utterances a maximum
  of three times and had to identify the sentence.
•   Comprà ventallets de vim Compraven
  tallets de vim
• Nomenaves comtes al matí Nomenà vescomtes
  al matí
• Mirà batalles Mirava talles

50
Results
Type A oxytones Type B paroxytones Type C
proparoxytones
CATALAN SPANISH

• Variable rate of identification for the Catalan
  sentences (35 to 66 of correct
• responses) and variable rate for Spanish
  sentences (25 to 95).
• Words with an antepenultimate or penultimate
  accent are much better
• identified than words with final stress.

51

• Why?
• The hearer identifies more easily Compraven talls
  (with an H aligned towards the end of the first
  word) than Comprà ventalls (with an H less
  displaced to the right).
• The hearer is probably using a more clear H
  alignment towards the edge of the word as a cue.
  In the second case, H placement is more
  ambiguous.
• A controlled perception experiment is needed.

• Less ambiguous More ambiguous
  
• ? ?

52
Pilot perceptual experiments 2. Discrimination
task

• GOAL to check whether listeners could identify
  sentences in a better way when heard in pairs
  than in isolation.
• MATERIALS 10 (for Catalan) and 24 (for Spanish)
  ambiguous utterances in pairs from the production
  test.
• SUBJECTS the same listeners heard the utterances
  in pairs and had to chose the order in which the
  stimuli were heard.
•  

53
Results
CATALAN SPANISH

• Variable rate of identification for both Catalan
  (30 to 90
• of correct responses) and Spanish (55 to 95).
• Overall, some improvement on the identification
  rates
• when sentences are heard in pairs.

54
Qualitative inspection

• Qualitative inspection of the stimuli reveals
  that high levels of accuracy in discrimination
  may be due to a combination of both peak location
  and the steepness of the rising movement during
  the accented syllable (cf. test words in pairs 3
  and 5 in Catalan).

Less steep rise -gt compraven talls

Steeper rise -gt comprà ventalls
55
Controlled perception experiment

• Results slightly support the hypothesis that fine
  allophonic details of H tonal alignment due to
  within-word position are employed by Catalan
  listeners in word identification tasks, even
  though the results are not clear-cut.
• Whether H alignment is crucially used in word
  disambiguation is a substantial empirical
  question that we leave as a matter for future
  research. A more controlled perceptual study is
  needed in order to better evaluate the perceptual
  import of this acoustic cue.

56
Goal

• Two possible hypotheses are tested about what
  determines the percept of the word-boundary
  location
• Catalan and Spanish listeners employ differences
  in tonal alignment of the high target to identify
  words contrasting in word boundary position.
• Catalan and Spanish listeners employ differences
  steepness of the rise to identify words
  contrasting in word boundary position.

57
Methods Stimuli

• Two minimal pairs from the materials of the
  production experiment.
• Made sure that minimal pairs did not differ in
  duration or scaling patterns and followed the
  typical patterns of location of F0 peak and mean
  slope.
• The stimuli for the perception experiments were
  obtained by altering the following two intonation
  variables artificially (using Praat)
• 1) Alignment of the F0 peak within the word
• 2) Slope of the rise within the accented
  syllable

58

• From the COMPRÀ VENTALLS base stimulus

? shifting the peaks in four steps of equal
duration ? five stimuli ? forward through the
postaccentual vowel

• shifting down the F0 level
• at the end of accented syllable
• in two steps of equal size
• ? three stimuli

PRA
VEN
PRA
VEN


59

• From the COMPRAVEN TALLS base stimulus

? shifting the peaks in four steps of equal
duration ? five stimuli ? backwards through the
postaccentual vowel

• shifting up the F0 level
• at the end of accented syllable
• in two steps of equal size
• ? three stimuli

PRA
VEN
PRA
VEN


60
Identification Task

One practice block before each experiment
Question Compraven talls (Press T) vs. Comprà
ventalls (Press V)
61
Discrimination Task

One practice block before each experiment
Question Compraven talls (Press T) vs. Comprà
ventalls (Press V)
62
Results Identification Task

• Ideal response curves

• No effects whatsoever of slope change

63
Conclusion

• Pilot results support the hypothesis that fine
  allophonic details of H tonal alignment due to
  within-word position are employed by Catalan
  listeners in word identification tasks, even
  though the results are not clear-cut in the
  discrimination task.

64
General Conclusion, Experiment word-edges

• No strict anchoring to word-edges.
• Clear effects of within-word position on H
  location H peaks are more retracted in
  word-final accents than in word-medial accents.
• No effects of within-word position on duration.
• H alignment towards word-edges seems to act as a
  helpful perceptual cue in disambiguating tasks.

65
General Conclusion

• The segmental anchoring hypothesis (in its
  original formunation) is called into question by
  the following results
• Consistent ffects of syllable structure on H
  location
• Also DImperio 2000 and DImperio, Petrone
  Nguyen in press for Neapolitan Italian for
  Neapolitan Italian, Ladd et al 2000 for Dutch,
  Gili-Fivela Savino 2003 for Pisa Italian and
  Bari Italian Prieto Torreira 2004 for Spanish,
  Welby Loevenbruck 2005, in press for French.
• Consistent effects of within-word position
• Silverman Pierrehumbert 1990 for English,
  Prieto, van Santen Hirschberg 1995, de la Mota
  2005, Estebas Prieto 2005, Simonet Torreira
  2005, Simonet 2005 for Spanish, Arvaniti, Ladd
  Mennen 1998 for Greek, Ishihara forthcoming for
  Japanese.
• Consistent effects of speech rate
• Consistent effects of coda type

66
Anchorage and Prosodic Mediation Hypothesis

• Components of our hypothesis
• The segmental anchoring hypothesis cannot be
  maintained.
• We need a notion of anchorage (Welby
  Loevenbruck 2005, in press), that is, a region
  within which an intonational turning point can
  anchor
• But the turning point choice is not completely
  unconstrained. We need to consider H placement is
  also systematically conditioned by the following
  factors
• tonal pressure
• also by prosodic domain adjustments (ie,
  syllables and prosodic words).

67
Prosodic Mediation Hypothesis

• Prosodic Mediation Hypothesis
• a. Prosodic units act as units for articulatory
  planning (Articulatory Phonology view)
• We expect that the presence of those units will
  have an effect on the coordination between pitch
  movements and the segmentals.
• We expect to find in-phase and off-phase effects
• The syllable The syllable is the main prosodic
  unit for the pitch accent coordination with the
  segmentals
• L and H in onset positions are in-phase and are
  stably coordinated.
• L and H placement in coda positions are off-phase
  and they are less stably coordinated and
  conditioned by prosodic domain adjustments
• The prosodic word The PW is a relevant prosodic
  unit for the pitch accent coordination with the
  segmentals
• L and H coordination are expected to be affected
  by within-word position (anacrusis effects)

68

• MERCI BIEN.
• GRÀCIES!