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Lecture IV: Domestic Politics and the Russian Energy Sector

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USSR production was concentrated in Russia 11.5 million out of 12.5mbd in 1988; and ... Regional Backlash: A Messy Divorce. Neelov fails to be re-elected to the ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Lecture IV: Domestic Politics and the Russian Energy Sector


1
Lecture IV Domestic Politics and the Russian
Energy Sector
  • David Dusseault
  • Eurasia Energy Group
  • Aleksanteri Institute

2
Project Preliminaries
  • Identified overlap in current research projects
  • Nature of Russian federalism
  • Structuration of Russian energy sector
  • Focus actor agency within the Russian federal
    institutional framework and
  • Case study Russian energy sector.

3
Chechnya Yamal Cases
4
Changes in the Russian Oil Industry
Source Russian Analytical Digest 01/06
5
State Influence in Numbers
Source Russian Analytical Digest 08/06
6
Early 1990s Russian Federalism
  • Crisis of centre elite legitimisation
  • Decline of centralised administrative control
  • Rise of regional elite administrative
    independence therefore
  • Increased difficulty in maintaining consensus
    amongst elites at all levels of the Federal
    system.

7
Chechnya Rosneft
  • Northern Slopes of the Caucasus
  • Southern Federal Okrug
  • Shares borders with Dagestan, Ingushetia,
    Georgia
  • De-facto independent from and at war with Moscow
    1991-2002
  • Grozneftegaz Baku-Novorossiisk pipeline major
    industrial assets in republic.

8
Point of Departure Grozneftegaz
  • Resurrected Chechen Oil Company (2000)
  • Majority owned by Rosneft 51 minority interest
    Chechen Republican govt.
  • Extraction licensing unclear (2000)
  • Production figures 750t tonnes (2001) to 2.2m
    tonnes (2005)
  • 150t tonnes stolen (2003) and
  • Profit row over Rosneft earnings (17-25b RR
    2006) transfers to Chechen budget 30m RR (total
    Chechen budget 19b RR).

9
Historical Background Grozny the Second Jewel in
the Crown
  • Production centred on 3 fields Starogroznenskoye,
    Novogroznenskoye and Voznesenskoye
  • 1917 21.8 percent of total Russian oil
    production
  • 1932 35.7 percent of USSRs total oil
    production
  • Post WWII Shift in production from Grozny to the
    Volga-Urals and in the 1960s, West Siberia
  • Chechen based hydrocarbon production becomes
    specialised Union-wide aviation fuel, lubricants
    and paraffin and
  • Grozny becomes the heart regional hydrocarbon
    supply, processing and transit infrastructure.

10
The Lead up to Perestroika Growth in the USSRs
Oil Industry
  • 1987 596.5m tonnes including gas condensate
  • 1951 to 1987 production in RFSSR increased 26
    times 90 USSR production
  • Industry suffered from over-investment, poor oil
    field practices and outdated technology
  • USSR production was concentrated in Russia 11.5
    million out of 12.5mbd in 1988 and
  • By 1993, production collapsed to 7mbd.

11
Dance with the Devil Dudayev, Maskhadov Black
Gold
  • Priority to consolidate power
  • Fractured elite structure, lack of viable
    economic and political platform
  • Multitude of elite groups, field commanders as
    political entrepreneurs
  • Open ended bargaining game president becomes
    hostage to rival elite groups and
  • Oil fills the institutional gap profiteering
    collapse of social economic fabric.

12
Kadyrov(s) Alkhanov New Pipers, Same Old Tune?
  • Elite consolidation fewer gatekeepers
  • Rent seeking shifts to federal level
  • Ownership of licenses, control of stock packages
    budgetary transfers are points of contention
    and
  • Republican regime Moscow maybe hostage to
    unrealistic expectations for oil based economic,
    political, and social development.

13
Gazprom and Yamal-Nenets AOk
  • With Khanti- Mansii AOk, forms part of Tyumen
    Oblast, Ural Federal Okrug
  • GRP 279,355.6M RR
  • Gas oil extraction, electricity generation and
  • Major FDI 2.5B Dresdner Bank loan to Gazprom
    (1997).

Source for slides 14-19 Russian Analytical Digest
01/06
14
Politics and Business Mutual Dependence?
  • 80 Gazproms total extraction from YNAOk
  • 90 tax revenues for regional budget
  • 60 from subsidiaries / 10 Sibneft
  • Gazprom represented in local administration and
  • 28.8 of the seats of the regional parliament.

15
The Beginning of a Beautiful Relationship
  • Forged during regional-federal restructuring
    process
  • 1993 rocky relations with regional authorities
  • 1996 Gov. Neelov appointed to Gazprom Board and
  • 1996 Elections Neelov wins comfortably

16
Economics of Regional Political Power
  • 1997 economic relations flourish
  • Annual agreements based on barter
  • Gazprom supplied the region with gas
  • Wrote off against corporate taxes at wholesale
    rates, not market price
  • Region sold gas back to Itera at preferential
    rates and
  • Total back tax 11B RR or 500M USD.

17
Rent Transfer Who Benefits?
  • Gazproms regional assets were registered in
    Moscow
  • Taxes no longer were accrued by the local
    authorities and
  • Local managers took decisions based on priorities
    determined at corporate headquarters, not
    regionally.

18
Regional Backlash A Messy Divorce
  • Neelov fails to be re-elected to the board
    (1999)
  • Takes advantage of a federal loophole invites
    indies to develop regional resources
  • Benefits (licenses tax breaks) afforded to
    Novatek subsequently
  • Indies increase market presence 2-13.

19
Gazprom on the Rebound
  • Corporate strategy changes to acquisitions of
    regional companies
  • Sibneft bought in 2005
  • Gazprom regains the upper hand
  • Regional tax revenues from Gazprom assets
    increase to 70
  • Neelov sought re-election made concessions to
    Moscow Gazprom.

20
Conclusions Causes for Concern
  • Unresolved legal issues regarding the control
    over resources between federal regional
    authorities
  • Resulting institutional fluidity encourages
    cynical economic behaviour discourages
    political consensus, but allows for flexibility
    room to manoeuvre in negotiating process
  • Actor agency resembles a nested game amongst
    elites at various levels of the federal
    structure and
  • Results may have measurable consequences in terms
    of Russias future capacity to rationalise the
    organisation of its energy sector.
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