Putting together the pieces

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Putting together the pieces

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Title: Putting together the pieces


1
Putting together the pieces
  • An intra-disciplinary look at sound change

2
Outline
  • 1) Background on Neogrammarian Controversy
  • 2) Why the controversy is ongoing
  • 3) Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • 4) End to Neogrammarian Controversy
  • 5) Proposed solution analogy all the way down
  • 6) Examples and discussion of usage-based models
  • 7) Conclusion

3
1) Background on the Neogrammarian Controversy
4
Neogrammarian Controversy
  • Neogrammarian sound change (regular sound
    change or sound change proper)
  • 1) exceptionless
  • 2) phonetically (i.e., physically) motivated
  • Other key players analogy and dialect borrowing

5
The Neogrammarians
  • Aller Lautwandel, soweit er mechanisch vor sich
    geht, vollzieht sich nach ausnahmslosen Gesetzen,
    d.h. die Richtung der Lautbewegung ist in allen
    Angehörigen einer Sprachgenossenschaft, ausser
    dem Fall, dass die Dialektspaltung eintritt
    stetts dieselbe, und all Wörter, in denen der
    der Lautbewegung unterworfene Laut unter gleichen
    Verhältnissen erscheint, werden ohne ausnahme von
    der Änderung ergriffen.(Wilbur 1977 xl,
    reproducing Brugmanns Vorwort to Morphologische
    Untersuchungen xiii)
  • Every sound change, as long as it proceeds
    physically, comes to completion by following
    exceptionless rules, i.e., the course of sound
    change is in every member of a speech community,
    unless dialect split is caused by the change, and
    all words in which the sound appears in the same
    conditioning environment, will, without
    exception, be subject to the change. (my
    translation)

6
The Neogrammarians
  • Neogrammarian principles
  • Invoking the uniformitarian theory, they argued
    that analogy was a natural mechanism of change in
    the present, thus also the past.
  • With analogy and dialect borrowing in their
    toolkit, they argued that one didnt need a new
    sound law to describe every change or deviation
    from otherwise regular-seeming sound change.
  • So they postulated that sound change
    Lautgesetze must be limited to those following
    the principles of phonetic motivation and
    exceptionlessness.
  • Based on their experience, it seemed that
    regularity might be limited to phonetically
    driven mechanisch changes, and analogy could
    cover the more sporadic, cognitively-driven
    geistlich changes.

7
Arguments with mechanism of sound change
  • Lexical Diffusion whether sound change can
    proceed word by word, possibly leaving some words
    unchanged
  • Grammatical Conditioning whether regular sound
    change can be conditioned or blocked by
    non-phonetic factors vs analogical repair
  • Language-internal vs. external factors what role
    do social factors play
  • Physical vs analogical what is phonetic vs
    cognitive
  • Actuation vs expansion what is sound change
    proper vs spread of sound change

8
Mechanism of sound change
  • Centuries-old sound changes cannot be entirely
    proven to have developed through one or another
    process because we cant go back to the beginning
    and witness it.
  • Descriptions of sound change in progress are
    subject to debate because once in progress,
    they beginning is past although we can observe
    sound change development.
  • The most compelling reason for the more recent
    attempts to delineate sound change, or
    actuation, from expansion
  • Expansion of sound changes in progress
    frequently do not obey the rules of Neogrammarian
    sound change because they are subject to
    processes of multiple kinds of analogy and the
    influence of social factors.

9
2) Why the controversy is ongoing
10
Why the controversy is ongoing
  • To maintain hold on comparative method, which is
    less effective the less regular the
    correspondence sets are.
  • Analogical forms and borrowings arent compared
    because they arent considered regular processes.
  • We need the comparative method to establish
    language relationships.

11
Why the continued controversy?
  • Neogrammarians are insistent because they want an
    explanation for what motivates regularity, some
    kind of universal, or at least default,
    principle.
  • The original Neogrammarians were fighting against
    an endless supply of speculation and
    non-universals. They were trying to nail down
    something more reliable, that generalizations
    could be drawn from that might teach us something
    useful about language and allow us to be sure
    that we are reconstructing languages and
    establishing relationships based on principled
    methods rather than guesswork (Wilbur 1977).

12
3) Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
13
Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • Plenty of processes can have regular outcome
    without being purely phonetically motivated.
  • - Analogy (morphological, lexical, phonological)
  • - Hypercorrection (Pargman 1998)
  • Some phonetically-motivated processes discounted
    by Neogrammarians can display more-or-less
    regular outcomes
  • - Dissimilation (Grassmanns Law)
  • - Metathesis (Hock 1985)

14
Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • Many of the Neogrammarians Lautgesetze (sound
    laws) such as Grimms law or the Old High German
    Consonant Shift were chain shifts or parallel
    shifts, which cant be purely phonetic because
    they involve acoustics and perception, and are
    most likely analogical because they involve
    phonemic re-categorization based on what other
    phonemes are doing.
  • Even assimilation, especially anticipatory
    assimilation, must begin in the mind. Your
    articulators dont know what sounds are coming
    up, but your mind does, and prepares for them by
    making an earlier sound more like a later.

15
Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • Plenty of phonetically-motivated changes can be
    irregular.
  • - incomplete sound changes
  • - near-mergers and near-splits
  • Phonetically motivated mini-sound changes
    (Ohala 2003) may not spread, and usually dont.
  • Variation occurs even within probabilistic
    regularity.
  • Low-level phonetic variation can persist over
    long periods of time without leading to sound
    change the variation has to cause categorical
    change before it is registered as a sound change,
    which can depend on the perceptual space, lexical
    items involved, frequency, social identification,
    and other non-physical factors.

16
Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • Having a default assumption that sound change
    will proceed exceptionlessly as long as it is
    phonetically driven leaves us with a lot of
    exceptions.
  • The assumption is based on our ability to find
    more frequent regularity in phonetically
    conditioned and unconditioned sound changes.
  • But exceptions abound.
  • No proof of what about phonetically motivated
    sound change would make it more likely to be
    regular.
  • A phonological conditioning environment is only a
    description, not an explanation.

17
Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • We dont have to throw regularity out the window
  • On the basis of finding and establishing regular
    sound correspondences, we can still find
    statistical regularity, and investigate
    exceptions.
  • Statistical regularity can still give way to
    outliers - the outliers should be investigated in
    any case

18
4) Resolution of the Neogrammarian Controversy
19
Resolution of the Neogrammarian Controversy
  • Neogrammarian sound change, at least as laid out
    by the Neogrammarians, cannot exist. Heres why
  • 1) Neogrammarian Sound change must be
    exceptionless
  • 2) Neogrammarian Sound change must proceed
    mechanically, that is purely physically
    (phonetically).

20
Resolution of the Neogrammarian Controversy
  • 1) There is no such thing as exceptionlessness,
    only an endless cycle of variation and
    generalization.
  • That is, even regular sound change is only
    probabilistically regular, including phonemic and
    non-phonemic variation
  • Because all synchronically stable sounds also
    exhibit phonemic and non-phonemic variation
    (Peterson and Barney 1952, Ladefoged and
    Broadbent 1957, among many others)

21
Resolution of the Neogrammarian Controversy
  • 2) No aspect of language can be removed from
    cognitive processes because production is
    entrenched in a feedback loop with perception
    therefore, analogical processes are at work
    before, during, and after each utterance.
  • At its most basic, analogy is the association
    of some thing with some other group of things.
  • Phoneme identification is the association of an
    unspecified period of sound, varying along many,
    mostly continuous dimensions, with other such
    continuously varying productions, to arrive at a
    shared category.

22
Resolution of the Neogrammarian Controversy
  • Infants must learn to generalize the stream of
    random and non-random noise emanating from their
    caregivers into words and sounds before they
    begin to speak.
  • Infants at 6 months and younger can distinguish
    between syllables differing by a distinctive
    feature, but lose the ability to distinguish
    within phonemic categories of their L1 after they
    have begun to generalize what phonetic
    information is relevant to their L1 by around
    10-12 months (Werker and Polka 1993)

23
5) Proposed solution
  • Analogy all the way down

24
Analogy all the way down
  • Variation in production of speech sounds has a
    basis in both articulatory and cognitive factors
  • Regularity happens because the mind is
    predisposed to form patterns and generalizations
    from the input it receives. From a continuous
    stream of sound, the mind breaks the input down
    into components and stores the information based
    on association.

25
Analogy all the way down
  • Probably the most automatic of these is the
    segmentation of the sound wave into words. Words
    are more easily and quickly recognized than
    syllables, which are more easily and quickly
    recognized than phonemes (Mehler, Dupous and
    Segui 1990 Werker and Polka 1993).
  • And from the lexicon, associations of similar
    sounds into phoneme-like groupings can be derived
    (Beckman and Edwards 2000).

26
Analogy all the way down
  • Each token uttered, across a range of
    variability, is generalized both by phoneme and
    by word (and across other associated elements).
  • This explains why there is evidence not only for
    what one could call phonologically analogical
    sound change, and for lexical diffusion (lexical
    analogy), but also mixed cases, rare instances of
    grammatical conditioning, and association with
    social factors involving the spread of sound
    change

27
Analogy all the way down
  • The reason sound changes that have their roots in
    so-called phonetic motivation (either
    phonetically conditioned or completely
    unconditioned) end up being more frequently
    regular is because they are easily phonologically
    generalizable.
  • Phonological generalization generally happens
    below the level of consciousness, though it can
    become more conscious if marked by greater
    distance from the previous phonological
    perceptual structure or if marked by social
    factors.

28
Analogy all the way down
  • Note understanding that all sound change is
    rooted in analogical processes does not mean that
    we cant have regularity, nor does it exempt us
    from explaining all sound changes - rather it
    holds us to a higher degree of specificity, that
    we must explain how each instance and pattern of
    analogy worked, and what it was based on.

29
6) Examples and discussion
  • Usage-based (exemplar) models

30
Usage-based (exemplar) models
  • Exemplar models can account for spread (social
    factors) of sound change (cf. Pierrehumbert
    2006)
  • A tight network has more limited variation, and
    is more likely to reinforce whatever pattern the
    variation is taking (including change)
  • A loose network has much more potential for
    variation, sometimes having a centering effect on
    the mode
  • Status, affiliation, or other sociolinguistic
    factors can lend weight to exemplars with these
    features

31
Usage-based (exemplar) models
  • Exemplar models can account for rate of sound
    change
  • Phonetic change can proceed only as quickly as
    can be calculated by total accumulated tokens and
    frequency of tokens and acoustic distance between
    tokens
  • But some factors can speed up the change, such as
    if the distance between earlier tokens and newer
    tokens increases, the new locus will shift more
    quickly.
  • This explains the sigmoidal curve described by
    variationists.

32
Usage-based (exemplar) models
  • If the variation is inconsistent, that is new
    tokens are also widely dispersed, then low-level,
    underlying variation can persist for a long time.
  • Lexical items play a role in this, such that
    sounds can be recategorized due to their presence
    in a word with no minimal pair for that phoneme.
    Hence, the further the nearest phoneme and the
    fewer possible minimal pairs, the more able to
    re-generalize.
  • If the difference between tokens is so
    perceptible as to be assigned social meaning, the
    change then can become a matter of higher-level
    operations (e.g., choice of variants for social
    reasons) and is also accelerated (and may be more
    prone to error).

33
Example- non-phonetically conditioned possibly
phonemic variation
  • Mini-sound change -- the bang/bangs split, a very
    mixed affair
  • 1) Normal raised /ae/ before /ng/
  • Very raised to /e/ in some words
  • 2) Dialect borrowing --
  • D1 /e/, D2 /ae/
  • 3) More frequent words develop into separate
    variants in free variation (dang, bang, blanket)
  • 4) Infrequent words (bangs, bank shot, blankie)
    belong to one phonemic category /e/
  • 5) Infrequent, but higher register (later
    learned?) words belong to one category /ae/
    (dank, vanquish, manx)
  • 6) Transitive form of verbs more likely to have
    /e/ (hang, rang)

34
Example- non-phonetically conditioned possibly
phonemic variation
  • Other Northern transplants in the community,
    beyond family.
  • One could imagine how this might become a sound
    change.
  • The split might continue and be adopted by
    others.
  • Phonemic categories might emerge from various
    generalizations
  • lexical (some words develop as /ae/ others /e/)
  • grammatical (the trend for transitive verbs
    becomes more generalized)
  • phonological (some generalization following
    certain classes of sounds, such as coronals, for
    instance)
  • It could become regular if enough people adopted
    the split along the same lines of generalization

35
7) Conclusion
36
Conclusion
  • Hans Henrich Hock (2003), also discussing the
    scope of analogy in sound change, poses a similar
    question
  • where in this continuum should we draw the
    dividing line, on what grounds should we draw it,
    and should we draw one at all?

37
Conclusion
  • I propose that, rather than drawing lines in the
    sand, we should be more explanatory.
  • For example, we should answer these questions
  • Is it sound change (is one phoneme different
    between two stages?)
  • What changes? And what are the conditions for
    change?
  • How regular is it (r2, what of variation is
    accounted for by the proposed conditions)?
  • Explain any apparent exceptions/outliers.
  • What is/are the proposed mechanism/s of change?
  • Is there any synchronic evidence for the
    postulated mechanisms?

38
Conclusion
  • Divisions into categories of sound change are
    similar to clusters of phonetic commonalities
    into phonemes. The categories have overlapping
    features based on association, corresponding to
    transparency of analogical processes, linguistic
    category, language intrinsic vs not, actuation vs
    expansion, etc. And we are statistically correct
    in saying that changes that emerge as
    phonologically conditioned are more frequently of
    higher regularity than others.
  • Analogical processes are the default, and
    irregular and incomplete sound changes are the
    same kind of creature as regular sound changes,
    only with more exceptions, which could be argued
    in the reverse as the result of other
    regularizing processes that sound change got in
    the way of.

39
Conclusion
  • If you want an absolute, undeniable basis for
    sound change, the Big Bang (Janda and Joseph
    2003), it is phonetic variation.
  • The fact that no two productions are exactly
    alike means that we have to generalize what we
    hear to correspond with what we have heard
    previously and all that we associate it with.
    This means that the acoustic space is a dynamic,
    evolving perceptual system that requires
    generalization, or analogical processes, to
    derive categories of sounds, and also words,
    meaning, and all the stuff that makes language
    work. No matter what interdependent processes
    take place to create sound change, there must be
    variants (more or less differing from one
    another) and association of those variants with
    one or more derived categories, such as phoneme,
    word, register, or status.

40
Conclusion
  • The Neogrammarians were correct in that regular
    sound change does have its basis in phonetics,
    and that is phonetic variation though so does
    irregular, incomplete, and every other kind of
    imaginable sound change.
  • Regular sound change relies on the analogical
    workings of the inner mind.

41
References
  • Beckman, M.E., Edwards, J. (2000). The ontogeny
    of phonological categories and the primacy of
    lexical learning in linguistic development. Child
    Development, 71, 240-249.
  • Garner, W. (1974). The Processing of Information
    and Structure. Oxford Erlbaum.
  • Hock, H. H. (1985) Regular Metathesis.
    Linguistics 23, 529-546.
  • Hock, H. H. (2003) Analogy. In Joseph, B. and
    Janda, R. 2003.The Handbook of Historical
    Linguistics. Malden, MA Blackwell.
  • Janda, R. and Joseph, B. (2003) Reconsidering the
    Canons of Sound-Change Towards a Big Bang
    Theory. Historical Linguistics 2001. Selected
    Papers from the 15th International Conference on
    Historical Linguistics, ed. by Barry Blake and
    Kate Burridge. Amsterdam John Benjamins,
    205-219.
  • Johnson, K. (1997). Speech Perception without
    speaker normalization. IN K. Johnson and J.
    Mullenix (eds.), Talker variability in speech
    processing. San Diego Academic Press. 145-166.
  • Labov, W. (1981) Resolving the Neogrammarian
    Controversy. Language 57 (2) 267-308
  • Mullenix, J. And Pisoni, D. (1990) Stimulus
    variability and processing dependencies in speech
    perception. Perception and Psychophysics, 47
    (4) 379-390.
  • Ohala, J. (2003). Phonetics and Historical
    Phonology. In Joseph, B. and Janda, R. 2003.The
    Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Malden, MA
    Blackwell.
  • Pargman, S. (1998). On the Regularity of
    Hypercorrection in Phonological Change.
    Diachronica 15, 285-307
  • Pierrhumbert, J. (2006). The next toolkit.
    Journal of Phonetics 34, 516-530
  • Werker, J. F. and Polka, L. (1993). Developmental
    changes in speech perception new challenges and
    new directions. Journal of Phonetics 21, 83-101
  • Wilbur, Terence (ed.) (1977). The Lautgesetz
    Controversy a documentation (1885-86).
    Amsterdam Benjamins.

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Extra Slides
43
Warning
  • The following images are highly oversimplified
    representations

44
Separate accumulation of variation of two distant
phonemes
45
Accumulation of exemplars around a mode of
variation
46
Neighboring phonemes
47
Very limited variation causes reinforcement of
phoneme categories
48
Wide range of variation causes overlap of phonemes
49
Empty acoustic space allows more room for
variation
50
Categorically different variants
51
Beginning of sound shift accumulation of new
center of variation
52
Sound shift new sound is as prevalent as old
sound
53
Sound shift new mode covers accumulated
variation, shifts toward center
54
Sound shift is complete new mode is centered
around new target pronunciation
55
Why the split is unnecessary and problematic
  • To follow up on an earlier elaboration if we
    say that V1qV2 gt V1ðV2 / only if V1 is not
    accented, it is no more explanatory of sound
    change than if we said V1qV2 gt V1ðV2 /
    intransitive verbs
  • A phonological conditioning environment gives us
    a chance to examine why that environment might
    motivate a change, or how such a change may
    proceed, but is not, in itself, an explanation.

56
Resolution of the Neogrammarian Controversy
  • If we can bring all of the important
    characteristics of the phonetics of a vowel
    together (including duration, F0, F1, F2, F3,
    phonation type) with associated information from
    its carrier phrase (including semantics, syntax,
    intonation, other measurements of other vowels
    and consonants both near and far) and the speaker
    (including age, height, gender, dialect,
    affiliation) to determine whether we hear the
    sound in pin or in pen, for example (Garner 1974,
    Mullenix and Pisoni 1990, Johnson 1997, among
    others), why would it seem strange that we form
    associations among these factors, which sometimes
    lead to the beginning or expansion of sound
    change?

57
Example- phonetic (non-phonemic) variation
  • Stable, underlying variation across the dental
    fricative in American English in Ohio.
  • 1) Production (in manner) extends from
    near-vocalic approximants to plosives
  • - No competition in manner at same place of
    articulation
  • 2) Production extends across a range of voicing
    and sonority
  • - Voicing carries virtually no functional load
  • 3) Variation in place is mostly limited to
    alveolar, dental and interdental, and mostly to
    the voiced phoneme, which is more likely to
    become alveolar.
  • - No other associations in competition
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