Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

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Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave

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... d. k y rabbit' 2 ... I saw a black rabbit.' t m k [t h w s n mb r k y ... nambeo r ko y black rabbit' 5. Noyer 1991. Outer cycle: Equalize stress ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave


1
Phrasal tone domains in San Mateo Huave Marjorie
Pak mpak_at_ling.upenn.edu Speech Lunch
Presentation University of Pennsylvania November
9, 2006
2
Words with final H Words with final HLa. kàwák
chicozapote (fruit tree) a. kàwâksouthb. mów
grasshopper b. yôw waterc. nàdám
big c. nàngân sweetd. nàéy man d. kôy
rabbit
2
3
tím íkè tàhàwás námbéór kòy (lt
kôy) yesterday I see.1sg.pst black
rabbit Yesterday I saw a black rabbit. tím
íkè tàhàwás námbéór kóy tílám
yesterday I see.1s.pst black
rabbit in.riverYesterday I saw a black rabbit
in the river.
3
4
  • Noyer 1991
  • Syllable heads are stress-bearing units and
    are projected onto line 0.
  • The final segment of a word is extrametrical.
  • Line 0 feet are unbounded and right-headed
    heads are promoted to line 1.
  • 1 1 0 ( ) 0 ()
    nambeoltrgt black ikltegt I

4
5
Noyer 1991 d. Inner cycle (NP) Line 1 feet are
unbounded, right-headed. Promote heads to line
2. 2 1 ( ) 0 ( )
() nambeoltrgt koltygt black rabbit
5
6
  • Noyer 1991
  • Outer cycle Equalize stress (add a line 2
    asterisk above newly-introduced words). Line
    2 feet are unbounded, left-headed. Promote
    heads to line 3.
  • 3 2 ( ) 1
    ( ) 0 ( ) ( ) ()
    tahawaltsgt nambeoltrgt koltygt I saw a black
    rabbit

6
7
  • Noyer 1991
  • The line 2 foot is the domain for three tonal
    rules
  • Lexical L Licensing Underlying lexical L tone is
    licensed (linked) at the right edge of the line 2
    foot.
  • Phrasal H Insertion Assign H to the head
    (leftmost asterisk) of a line 2 foot. (If this
    syllable already has lexical L, a HL contour tone
    is produced.)
  • H Plateau (HTP) H spreads rightward within the
    line 2 foot.
  • At the end of the derivation, Default L is
    assigned to all remaining toneless syllables.

7
8
Noyer 1991 line 3 line 2 (
)line 1 ( )line 0 (
) ( ) () tahawaltsgt nambeoltrgt
koltygt I saw a black rabbitLexical
L tahawas nambeor kòyPhrasal H tahawás nambeor
kòyHTP tahawás námbéór kòyDefault L tàhàwás
námbéór kòy
8
9
Noyer 1991 Subjects (when overt) undergo their
own outer cycle and remain phonologically
separate from the vP line 3 x xline
2 (x) (x x)line 1 (x)
x (x x) line 0 (x x)
(x x x) (x x) (x x) nehiltwgt tahawultwgt
nakantltsgt olaltmgt they saw red
sugarcane Lexical L nehìw -- (cf. isolation
òlám)Phrasal H nehîw tahawúw nakants
olamHTP -- tahawúw nákánts ólámDefault
L nèhîw tàhàwúw nákánts ólám nèhîw tàhàwúw
nákánts ólám They saw red sugarcane.
9
10
  • Generalizations
  • Each phrase (tonal domain) has exactly one H
    pitch peak.
  • This pitch peak may be realized on a single
    syllable or spread over several syllables.
  • There may be a series of L tones at the left
    edge of a phrase.
  • There may be at most one L tone at the right edge
    of a phrase.

10
11
  • Question
  • How are utterances parsed into tonal domains?
  • Does the subject always remain separate from the
    vP? If so, why?
  • What happens when the vP contains more structure
    (modifiers, double objects, etc.)?

11
12
Data 325 phrases of various types (SVO, VO, VOS,
SV, VS, ditransitives, NPs in isolation, etc) 5
native San Mateo speakers (4f, 1m, ages 14-45,
all bilingual Spanish-Huave) Interviews conducted
in July 2004 and July 2006. Most data elicited by
providing Spanish phrase and asking for Huave
equivalent usually one repetition was
requested. 24 sentences were read.
12
13
Observation 1 The verb groups together with all
following objects and modifiers. nèhîw tàhcúw
nérráár yów námbéór íchwèàìk they
give.3p.pst hot water black monkey They
gave hot water to a black monkey.
(vvv33) mìkwàl èkòmbúl àpmúúc ákókíáw cípín
óép áágá náéy kìàhson.pos friend.1pos
give.3s.fut five tomato tomorrow the man
there My friends son will give 5 tomatoes to
that man tomorrow. (avv 31)
13
14
Observation 2 Preverbal subjects and preverbal
time/place adverbs form their own phrases. íkè
tàèhpíùs I bathe.1s.pst I
bathed. (zss11-12) nìngúy òlám ngò màtâng
here cane not grow Sugarcane does not
grow here. (avv43)
14
15
Observation 3 But postverbal subjects (and
adverbs) group together with the
verb. tàèhpíúsá íkè bathe.1s.pst I I
bathed. nìngíy ngò màtáng ólám here
not grow cane Sugarcane does not grow here.
15
16
Exceptions Occasionally, vPs are broken down
into two domains íkèsàngànéów cháw pópó
ówúy lángàn íkèsàngànéów cháw
pópóòwùy làngânpro.1s drink.1s atole foam
very sweet I drink very sweet foam atole.
(zss44b) In one case, a subject and a verb
grouped together nèhíw ákíándùw pro.3p
stick.3p ellos se pegan (they fight? they
stick to each other?) (cg29-29) But mismatched
parses like (SV)(AdjO) are so far unattested.
16
17
Possibilities Postverbal subjects/adverbs are
structurally closer to the verb than preverbal
subjects/adverbs. Preverbal subjects/adverbs have
moved to a clause-peripheral position
(SpecCP). CP subject TP verb object subject
Anything below a predetermined cut-off point
(e.g. TP) gets spelled out as a single domain
constituents that have moved above this point are
spelled out separately.
17
18
  • Questions
  • What is the syntax of VOS sentences? (subject
    right-adjoined, VO raised to Spec,TP, etc)
  • When are VOS sentences pragmatically felicitous?
  • Are there differences between preverbal and
    postverbal subjects wrt. scope, specificity,
    islandhood?

18
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