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Measuring Media Bias

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Title: Measuring Media Bias


1
Measuring Media Bias
  • Michael Cardwell
  • George Mason University
  • March 1, 2005

2
Overview
  • These are headlines from March 10 and 11 2004
    regarding the case of Susan Lindaurer who was
    accused of illegally taking payments to lobby for
    Iraq. All are true, yet they shed different
    light on the situation
  • Washington Post Md. Activist Charged With
    Working for Iraq Indictment Says Ex-Press Aide
    Had Intelligence Links to Hussein
  • NY Times Former U.S. Aide Accused of Working
    With Iraq
  • Seattle Post-Intelligencer Accused spy is cousin
    of Bush staffer
  • Wiz Bang Blog Democratic Staffer Indicted For
    Spying For Iraq
  • Is this media Bias at work?

3
Overview
  • Headlines regarding a single event can be
    factually true yet lead readers down different
    ideological and political paths
  • Is the news media biased? Conventional wisdom
    and scholarly evidence often suggests it is, but
    compared to what?
  • Lott and Hasslett (2004) Disparate reporting on
    similar events.
  • Groseclose and Milyo (2003) Reporting ideology
    does not reflect political ideology

4
Theory
  • Media bias matters because we require political
    information to make political decisions.
  • In light of this requirement, systematic bias
    from journalists is suggests we receive
    misleading information with which to make
    decisions

5
Theory
  • A public interest approach (a la the Society of
    Professional Journalists) suggests an ethical
    solution. Journalists morally bound not to
    distort or misrepresent facts
  • A public choice approach.
  • (Need not be mutually exclusive to public
    interest approach).
  • Examine institutional constraints and
    opportunities for biased journalism

6
Theory
  • Bovitz et al (2002) demonstrate conditions under
    which leading can occur
  • Leading media presents an ideologically
    distorted report that shifts reader opinion
  • Bias a report that is ideologically at odds with
    a given point of reference.

7
Theory
  • Groseclose and Milyo demonstrate method of
    observing bias using ADA Ratings
  • ADA Ratings are 0-100 scores based on correct
    answers (5 points each) to 20 legislative
    questions.
  • Identify ADA Ratings for Congress
  • Identify ADA Ratings for media outlets
  • Observe media outlets are well to the left of
    Congress
  • Hence, it is at least feasible that leading
    occurs if bias is observed. If no bias is
    observed at all, leading is either not happening
    or VERY efficient.

8
Methodology
  • Starting point is Groseclose and Milyo approach
    to measuring bias, but with significant changes
  • Essential features
  • Measures bias as difference between Newspaper ADA
    rating (based on editorial position) and House of
    Representatives ADA ratings
  • In Aggregate for all major newspapers
  • For Designated Market Areas (DMAs)
  • New York
  • Washington DC
  • For 2001-2002 (107th Congress)

9
Methodology
  • Starting point is Groseclose and Milyo approach
    to measuring bias, but with significant changes
  • ADA ratings calculated directly from newspaper
    editorials
  • Bias, if it exists, is likely to reflect official
    editorial positions
  • Easier to do, generally less interpretive than
    passive analysis

10
Methodology
  • Intuition is that market area is important. New
    York Times largely sold in New York.
  • Market area, not national aggregate, is proper
    area for determining bias.
  • DMAs are industry standard geographic
    categorization for newspaper markets.
  • Circulation of major papers used to develop
    weighted average news outlet ADA score.
  • Population and Congressional ADA ratings used to
    develop weighted average political outlet ADA
    score.

11
Results National ADA
12
Results District ADA
13
Results DMA ADA
14
Results Aggregate ADA
15
Results - Analysis
  • In the measured markets, observed newspaper
    ideology is similar to observed political
    ideology.
  • Market sample, however, is limited and liberal.
  • Does not consider competition from other media
    types (e.g. radio, internet)

16
Conclusions Consumers Lead the Market
  • Lack of observed bias implies leading by media is
    either very effective or not very effective at
    all
  • I suggest the latter is the case
  • Perfect leading by numerous independent media
    outlets, simultaneously resulting in an aggregate
    similar to the political market outcome seems
    unlikely
  • An unbiased aggregate ideology that emerges
    because consumers of political information desire
    it and also vote appears more likely
  • Hence, the market responds to a desire for
    ideology, it rather than impose it.

17
Conclusions A Happy Result?
  • Is it an unsatisfying result to conclude
  • Consumers demand political information tailored
    to ideological whim, rather than purely
    objective?
  • Unbiased results exist in the aggregate, but all
    individuals and firms may be biased?
  • Perhaps, but it appears to be an example of
    spontaneous order, but we also desire individuals
    who can view opposing perspectives
    sympathetically
  • Several limits exist which limit the extent to
    which ideology can dominate

18
Conclusions Consumer limits
  • Tullock Consumers of media buy a package of
    goods
  • Desire information
  • But also entertainment
  • Purpose is not just to vote, but to converse
  • Suggests consumers will forego some ideological
    purity to gain
  • Non political information (e.g. Sports Page)
  • Opposing political information (know your enemy)

19
Conclusions Market Forces
  • Producers are not oblivious to consumer needs.
    They may trade-off on the ideology-content access
    as well.
  • Observation Market concentration may promote
    moderation (note moderation is not necessarily
    good)
  • Unlike Congressmen, Newspapers can avoid the
    really hot topics

20
Conclusions Issue Avoidance and Contestability
21
Conclusions Issue Avoidance and Contestability
  • Newspapers do not take an overt stand on issues
    that may cost them profits.
  • And finally, interpretations of facts can be
    inherently contestable and open to interpretation
    as in opening example.
  • These factors, along with consumer desire for
    some opposition view, seem to set limits to the
    extent to which papers are slaves to consumer
    ideology and the fact widespread bias is not
    observed implies neither is the opposite the case.
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