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Untying the Knot

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For Lee and Chen, however, how Taiwan might be a part of China has governed ... In addition, Taiwan must live with the fear of abandonment by its de facto ally, ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Untying the Knot


1
Untying the Knot
  • Richard C. Bush
  • Brookings Institution
  • Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies

2
The Taiwan Strait Paradox
  • Shared Economic Interests
  • Extensive Private Interchange
  • Common Ethnic and Cultural HeritageBUT
  • Political Hostility
  • Military Build-up

3
The PRC Hypothesis
  • Its Lee and Chen, stupid!BUT
  • In office, Lee and Chen have been careful not to
    rule out unification totally.
  • They certainly opposed one country, two systems
    (1C2S).
  • They insisted that the ROC or Taiwan was an
    independent sovereign state.

4
The PRC Hypothesis
  • Both have insisted Beijing should acknowledge
    that Taipei is essentially equivalent, that
    Taiwan have an international role, and that the
    PRC renounce the use of force.
  • In addition, both have been frustrated that
    Beijing has rejected Taipeis views outright and
    ignored its moderation.

5
The PRC Hypothesis
  • To be sure, Lee and Chen did act provocatively at
    times.
  • They also took initiatives that were motivated by
    domestic politics.
  • Yet Beijing incorrectly read their opposition to
    1C2S as a rejection of unification. For Lee and
    Chen, however, how Taiwan might be a part of
    China has governed whether it should be a part of
    China.

6
The Taiwan Strait Knot (TSK)
  • The TSK is a knot formed by two twisted strands
    of rope. Each strand represents a core
    substantive issue
  • The first issue is sovereignty
  • The second is security
  • The strands are twisted because they are
    interrelated.

7
TSK Sovereignty
  • Stephen Krasner tells us that sovereignty can
    take four forms
  • Domestic sovereignty
  • Westphalian sovereignty
  • International legal sovereignty and
  • Interdependence sovereignty.
  • The first three, particularly Westphalian
    sovereignty, are analytically important.

8
TSK Sovereignty
  • Many observers focus only on international
    sovereignty, on whether the ROC is a full member
    of the international community.
  • But when it comes to sovereignty, for
    cross-Strait relations, its Westphalian
    sovereignty that matters more.

9
TSK Sovereignty
  • Westphalian Sovereignty
  • A governments absolute right to rule within the
    territory under its jurisdiction unless it
    chooses to vest a higher authority with its
    powers.
  • The key is non-subordination.
  • This is the concept that underlies the stance
    that the ROC is an independent, sovereign state.

10
TSK Sovereignty
  • This claim is fundamentally antithetical to the
    1C2S approach.
  • Under 1C2S
  • Central government is the exclusive sovereign
  • The Special Administrative Region (SAR) is
    subordinate to central government and acts
    internationally only at its discretion and
  • The SAR has autonomy and nothing more.
  • In practice, Beijings system for Hong Kong
    limits political outcomes to what it can tolerate.

11
TSK Security
  • Taiwan and the PRC are locked in a security
    dilemma.
  • Each fears the intentions of the other.
  • Each builds up its capabilities to hedge against
    pre-emption.
  • Each reads the others hedging as hostile.
  • Mistrusting the other and fearing exploitation,
    each is afraid to make a concession.

12
TSK Security
  • Yet the cross-Strait security dilemma is special.
  • What China fears is not military action by Taiwan
    but a political initiative that will irreversibly
    change the status quo and close the door on
    unification.
  • In addition, Taiwan must live with the fear of
    abandonment by its de facto ally, the United
    States.

13
TSK Security
  • The essence of the security dilemma is that each
    side understands the value of peace but mistrusts
    the other too much to pay the price to gain it.
  • Each worries that if it makes a concession, the
    other side will exploit its good will.
  • Beijings demand that Chen Shui-bian accept the
    1-China principle is an example.

14
Tightening the Knot
  • Several factors in the dispute
  • Domestic politics
  • In Taiwan
  • Identity and the fear of outsiders
  • The DPPs history as opposition party
  • Taiwans unconsolidated democracy
  • In China
  • Leadership politics
  • Nationalism

15
Tightening the Knot
  • Decision-making systems
  • Misperception
  • Miscalculation
  • The Leverage Game
  • The International System
  • The United Front
  • The U.S. Factor
  • Dual Influence and Dual Deterrence

16
Untying the Knot
  • If the knot is to by untied, three things are
    required
  • Ways to reconcile substantive differences over
    sovereignty and security, which are linked.
  • Ways to mute the effect of the aggravating
    factors.
  • A skillful integration of substance and process.

17
Untying the Knot Substance
  • Concerning the sovereignty issue, is there a way
    for Beijing to get what it wants (unification)
    and for Taipei to get what it wants to preserve
    (sovereignty)?
  • There are models of political union that are
    composed of sovereign entities confederation,
    federation, etc.

18
Untying the Knot Substance
  • Such unions are difficult to construct and hard
    to preserve, but sharing sovereignty is possible.
  • Both the KMT and President Chen have expressed a
    positive attitude towards such unions.
  • It is the PRC that is opposed, for some important
    reasons.

19
Untying the Knot Substance
  • There have been some ideas on the security side
  • Agreement to end the state of hostilities
  • Allowing Taiwan to keep its armed forces
  • Jiang Zemins missile-withdrawal idea
  • The interim-agreement proposal
  • CBMs
  • Yet all of these founder because of mutual
    mistrust.

20
Untying the Knot Process
  • Even if theoretically there is common ground,
    mistrust makes it difficult for the two sides to
    move there.
  • Perhaps it is necessary to use process to drive
    substance, instead of using substantive
    concessions to begin process.

21
Untying the Knot Process
  • Setting preconditions for dialogue, while
    understandable, only compounds mistrust
  • One China Principle
  • 1992 consensus
  • Recall that Beijing set a precondition after Lee
    Teng-huis U.S. trip but then ignored it for Koo
    Chen-fus 1998 visit.

22
Untying the Knot Process
  • Instead, the two sides should establish a
    private, authoritative channel to
  • Reduce mistrust
  • Build mutual understanding and assurance and
  • Explore methods of starting public dialogue.
  • This sort of channel existed before.

23
Untying the Knot Process
  • As trust is built and as dialogue resumes, a
    mutually agreed set of principles could create a
    framework for discussions. This would
  • Set limits
  • Define areas of fundamental consensus and
  • Establish an agenda for future action.
  • In process terms, this approach is different than
    an interim agreement.

24
Untying the Knot Process
  • How to deal with the aggravating factors?
  • For the leverage game diplomatic truce and an
    end to PRC intervention in Taiwan politics.
  • To manage the Taiwan politics of cross-Strait
    relations, there needs to be a mechanism of
    transparency and consensus building.

25
Untying the Knot Process
  • What role for the United States?
  • Different forms of intermediation
  • Messenger
  • Intellectual facilitator
  • Process facilitation
  • Mediation
  • Serving as a guarantor

26
Untying the Knot Process
  • I believe that the lower end of this scale is
    more appropriate. On mediation,
  • Do both sides trust Washington?
  • Would both sides trust the U.S. throughout?
  • Would the Congress support the Executive Branch?
  • How to deal with the fact that the United States
    is a party to the dispute?

27
The Near Term
  • If solving the dispute is not possible,
    stabilization is the next best thing.
  • A window of opportunity has opened.
  • Beijing need not fear constitutional change in
    Taiwan.
  • Communication and trust-building is as important
    for stabilization as it is for solution.

28
The Near Term
  • Preconditions are an obstacle to communication
    and trust-building.
  • The U.S. approach of dual deterrence also
    contributes to stabilization.

29
A Final Word
  • The group that has the most to lose from
    mismanagement of the Taiwan issue is the people
    of the island.
  • They have finally gained the power to make
    choices about their future.
  • The U.S. will play a role, but it is the people
    of Taiwan who will have to choose.
  • To make good choices, Taiwan must strengthen
    itself.
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