Define intelligence in one sentence

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Define intelligence in one sentence

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Title: Define intelligence in one sentence


1
Define intelligence in one sentence What are
the top 5 skills to define intelligence?
2
Outline
  • Implicit theories
  • Testing and scoring intelligence
  • Intelligence scales
  • Factor analysis of intelligence
  • Biological bases of intelligence
  • Alternative approaches
  • Cultural contexts
  • Multiple intelligences

3
Experts definitions
  • In 1921, when the editors of the Journal of
    Educational Psychology asked 14 famous
    psychologists What is intelligence.
  • The responses varied but they all generally
    implied that intelligence involves 1) the
    capacity to learn from experience and 2) the
    ability to adapt to the surrounding environment.
  • Sixty-five years later (Sremberg Detterman,
    1986), 24 cognitive psychologists with expertise
    in intelligence research were asked the same
    question. They, too, highlighted the importance
    of learning from experience and adapting to the
    environment.
  • They also broadened the definition to emphasize
    the importance of metacognition, that is people's
    understanding and control of their own thinking
    processes.
  • Contemporary experts also more heavily emphasized
    the role of culture, pointing out that what is
    considered intelligent in one culture may be
    considered stupid in another culture (Serpell,
    2000).

4
Experts definitions
Therefore, intelligence seems to be the capacity
to learn from experience, using metacognitive
processes to enhance learning, and the ability to
adapt to the surrounding environment, which may
require different adaptations within different
social and cultural contexts.
5
Implicit theories
  • All of us have our own implicit (unstated) ideas
    about what it means to be smart that is, we have
    our own implicit theories of intelligence.
  • We use our implicit theories in many social
    situations, such as when we meet people or when
    we describe people we know as being very smart or
    not so smart.
  • Within our implicit theories, we also recognize
    that intelligence has different meanings in
    different contexts. A smart salesperson may show
    a different kind of intelligence than a smart
    neurosurgeon or a smart accountant, each of whom
    may show a different kind of intelligence than a
    smart choreographer, composer, athlete, or
    sculptor.

6
Implicit theories
  • Implicit theories of intelligence may differ
    from one culture to another.
  • For example, there is evidence that Chinese
    people in Taiwan include interpersonal and
    intrapersonal (self-understanding) skills as part
    of their conception of intelligence (Yang
    Sternberg, 1999). Rural Kenyan conceptions of
    intelligence encompass moral as well as cognitive
    skills (Grigorenko, et al., 2001).
  • Western cultures can attribute intelligence even
    in the absence of moral rules. Machiavelli docet.

7
Testing and scoring intelligence
  • Explicit definitions of intelligence also
    frequently take on an assessment-oriented focus.
  • In fact, some psychologists, such as Edwin
    Boring (1923), define intelligence as whatever it
    is that the tests measure.
  • This definition, however, is circular because
    according to it, the nature of intelligence is
    what is tested but what is tested must
    necessarily be determined by the nature of
    intelligence.
  • Moreover, what different tests of intelligence
    test is not always the same thing, so it is not
    feasible to define intelligence by what tests
    test as though they all measured the same thing.
  • The attempt to understand intelligence by
    measuring various aspects of intelligence has a
    long history.

8
Testing and scoring intelligence
  • Go back to your list of top 5 skills.
  • When making these assessments, were
    psychophysical or judgment abilities more
    important to you?
  • Contemporary measurements of intelligence
    usually can be traced to one of two very
    different historical traditions.
  • One tradition concentrated on lower-level,
    psychophysical abilities (i.e., sensory acuity,
    physical strength, and motor coordination) the
    other focused on higher-level, judgmental
    abilities (which we traditionally describe as
    related to thinking).

9
Testing and scoring intelligence
  • Francis Galton (1822-1911) believed that
    intelligence is a function of psychophysical
    abilities, and for several years Galton
    maintained a well-equipped laboratory where
    visitors could be tested on a variety of
    psychophysical tests such as weight
    discrimination (the ability to notice small
    differences in the weights of objects), pitch
    sensitivity (the ability ro hear small
    differences benveen musical notes) and physical
    strength (Galton, 1883).
  • However, many attempt to unify the various
    dimensions of psychophysically based intelligence
    failed. For example, the psychophysical tests did
    not predict college grades. Thus, the
    psychophysical approach to assessing intelligence
    soon faded almost into oblivion, although it
    would reappear many years later.

10
Testing and scoring intelligence
  • An alternative to the psychophysical approach
    was developed by Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon,
    who also attempted to assess intelligence as they
    were asked to devise a procedure for
    distinguishing normal from mentally retarded
    learners (Binet Simon, 1916).
  • Thus, Binet and his collaborator set out to
    measure intelligence as a function of the ability
    to learn within an academic setting. In Binet's
    view, judgment, rather than psychophysical
    skills, is the key to intelligence.
  • For Binet, intelligent thought (mental judgment)
    comprises three distinct elements direction,
    adaptation, and criticism.

11
Testing and scoring intelligence
  • Direction involves knowing what has to be done
    and how to do it.
  • Adaptation refers to customizing a strategy for
    performing a task and then monitoring that
    strategy while implementing it.
  • Criticism is the ability to critique your own
    thoughts and actions.
  • Initially, when Binet and Simon developed their
    intelligence test, they were interested in some
    means of comparing the intelligence of a given
    child with that of other children of the same
    chronological (physical) age, the so called
    mental age.

12
Testing and scoring intelligence
  • William Stern (1912) suggested instead to
    evaluate intelligence by using an intelligence
    quotient (IQ) a ratio of mental age (MA) divided
    by chronological age (CA), multiplied by 100.
  • This ratio can he expressed mathematically as IQ
    (MA/CA) x 100. When mental age exceeds
    chronological age, the IQ score is above 100,
    viceversa the IQ score is below 100.
  • For various reasons, ratio IQs, too, proved
    inadequate.
  • The main is that increases in mental age slow
    down at about age 16 years. What does a mental
    age of 60 mean?!

13
Intelligence scales
  • Nowadays, the competitive Wechsler scales, are
    probably even more widely used.
  • There are three levels of the Wechsler
    intelligence scales, including the third edition
    of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale
    (WAIS-III), the third edition of the Wechsler
    Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III), and
    the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of
    Intelligence (WPPSI).
  • The verbal score is based on tests such as
    vocabulary and verbal similarities.
  • The performance score is based on tests such as
    picture completion, which requires identification
    of a missing part in a picture of an object, and
    picture arrangement, which requires rearrangement
    of a scrambled set of cartoon-like pictures into
    an order that tells a coherent story.

14
Factor analysis of intelligence
  • Psychologists interested in the structure of
    intelligence have relied on factor analysis as
    the indispensable tool for their research.
  • Factor analysis is a statistical method for
    separating a construct -intelligence in this
    case- into a number of independent factors (i.e.,
    abilities) that are assumed to form the basis of
    individual differences in test performance.
  • Charles Spearman usually is credited with
    inventing factor analysis (Spearman, 1927).
  • Using this tool, he concluded that intelligence
    can be understood in terms of both a single
    general factor that pervades performance on all
    tests of mental ability and a set of specific
    factors, each of which is involved in performance
    on only a single type of mental-ability test.
  • In Spearman's view, the general factor, which he
    labeled g factor, provides the key to
    understanding intelligence. Spearman believed "g"
    to be the result of "mental energy".
  • Many contemporary psychologists still believe
    Spearman's theory to be essentially correct
    (e.g., Jensen, 1998 see essays in Sternberg
    Grigorenko, 2002).

15
Factor analysis of intelligence
  • In contrast to Spearman, Louis Thurstone (1938)
    concluded that the core of intelligence resides
    in seven factors, which he referred to as primary
    mental abilities. According to Thurstone, the
    primary mental abilities are as follows
  • Verbal comprehension measured by vocabulary
    tests.
  • Verbal fluency measured by time-limited tests
    requiring the test-taker to think of as many
    words as possible that begin with a given letter.
  • Inductive reasoning measured by tests such as
    analogies and number-series completion tasks.
  • Spatial visualization measured by tests
    requiring mental rotation of pictures of objects.
  • Number measured by computation and simple
    mathematical problem-solving tests.
  • Memory measured by picture and word-recall
    rests.
  • Perceptual speed measured by tests that require
    the test-taker to recognize small differences in
    pictures or to cross out the as in strings of
    varied letters

16
Factor analysis of intelligence
  • At the opposite extreme from Spearman's single
    g-factor model is J. P. Guilford's (1967, 1982,
    1988) structure-of-intellect (SOI) model, which
    includes up to 150 factors of the mind in one
    version of the theory.
  • According to Guilford, intelligence can be
    understood in terms of a cube that represents the
    intersection of three dimensions operations,
    contents, and products.
  • Operations are simply mental processes, such as
    memory and evaluation (making judgments.
  • Contents are the kinds of terms that appear in a
    problem, such as semantic and visual.
  • Products are the kinds of responses required,
    such as units (single words, numbers, or
    pictures), classes (hierarchies), and
    implications.
  • Although considering as many as 100 factors can
    be considered an exaggeration, Guilford's most
    valuable contribution was to suggest that we
    consider various kinds of mental operations,
    contents, and products in our views and our
    assessments of intelligence.

17
Factor analysis of intelligence
  • A more parsimonious way of handling a number of
    factors of the mind is through a hierarchical
    model of intelligence such as the one developed
    by Raymond Cattell (1971).
  • This model proposes that general intelligence
    comprises two major subfactors fluid abilities
    (speed and accuracy of abstract reasoning,
    especially for novel problems) and crystallized
    abilities (accumulated knowledge and
    vocabulary).
  • Subsumed within these two major subfactors are
    other, more specific factors.
  • A similar view was proposed by Philip E. Vemon
    (1971), who made a general division between
    practical-mechanical (procedural) and
    verbal-educational (declarative) abilities.

18
Factor analysis of intelligence summary of models
19
Biological bases of intelligence
  • Although the brain is clearly the organ
    responsible for intelligence, early studies
    (e.g., those by Lashley) seeking biological
    indices of intelligence and other aspects of
    mental processes were a resounding failure,
    despite great efforts.
  • More recent biological studies are largely
    correlational, showing statistical associations
    between biological and psychometric or other
    measures of intelligence. These studies do not
    establish causal relations!
  • One line of research looks at the relationship
    of brain size to intelligence (see Jerison, 2000
    Vemon et al., 2000).

20
Biological bases of intelligence
  • The evidence suggests that, for humans, there is
    a modest but significant statistical relationship
    between brain size and intelligence - and the
    direction of the relationship is unknown.
  • Moreover, it probably is more important how
    efficiently the brain is used than what its size
    is. For example, on average, men have larger
    brains than women, but women have better
    connections through the corpus callosum. So it is
    not clear which sex would be, on average, at an
    advantage - and probably neither would be.
  • It is important to note that the relationship
    between brain size and intelligence does not hold
    across species (Jerison, 2000). Rather, what is
    held seems to be a relationship between
    intelligence and brain size, relative to the
    rough general size of the organism.

21
Biological bases of intelligence
  • Some of the current studies offer some appealing
    possibilities. For example, complex patterns of
    electrical activity in the brain, which are
    prompted by specific stimuli, appear to correlate
    with scores on IQ tests (Barrett Eysenck,
    1992).
  • Several studies, not fully confirmed, suggested
    that speed of conduction of neural impulses may
    correlate with intelligence, as measured by IQ
    tests.
  • Surprisingly, neural-conduction velocity appears
    to be a more powerful predictor of IQ scores for
    men than for women, so sex differences may
    account for some of the differences in the data
    (Wickett Vemon, 1994), but even in this case
    results are not definitive.

22
Biological bases of intelligence
  • An alternative approach to studying the brain
    suggests that neural efficiency may be related to
    intelligence such an approach is based on
    studies of how the brain metabolizes glucose
    during mental activities.
  • Haier and his colleagues (1992) have cited
    several other researchers who support their own
    findings that higher intelligence correlates with
    reduced levels of glucose metabolism during
    problem-solving tasks -that is, smarter brains
    consume less sugar than do less smart brains
    doing the same task.
  • Moreover, cerebral efficiency increases as a
    result of learning on a relatively complex task
    involving visuospatial manipulations (i.e., the
    computer game Terns)
  • As a result of practice, more intelligent
    participants show not only lower cerebral glucose
    metabolism overall but also more specifically
    localised metabolism of glucose.
  • Thus, more intelligent participants may have
    learned how to use their brains more efficiently
    to focus their thought processes on a given task.

23
Biological bases of intelligence
  • Some neuropsychological research (e.g.,
    Dempster, 1991) suggests that performance on
    intelligence tests may not indicate a crucial
    aspect of intelligence the ability to set goals,
    to plan how to meet them, and to execute those
    plans.
  • Specifically, people with lesions on the frontal
    lobe of the brain frequently perform quite well
    on standardized IQ tests, which require responses
    to questions within a highly structured
    situation, but which do not require much in the
    way of goal setting or planning.
  • If intelligence involves the ability to learn
    from experience and to adapt to the surrounding
    environment, the ability to set goals and to
    design and implement plans is fundamental.
  • An essential aspect of goal setting and planning
    is the ability to attend appropriately to
    relevant stimuli and to ignore or discount
    irrelevant stimuli according to the settings they
    occur in.
  • Hence, many researchers and theorists urge us to
    take a more contextual view of intelligence. This
    leads straight to the final part of the lesson

24
Alternative approaches to intelligence
  • According to contextualists, intelligence cannot
    be understood outside its real-world context.
  • The context of intelligence may be viewed at any
    level of analysis, focusing narrowly, as on the
    home and family environment, or extending
    broadly, as on entire cultures.
  • For example, even cross-community differences
    have been correlated with differences in
    performance on intelligence tests. Differences
    were found in rural vs. urban communities, low
    vs. high proportions of teenagers to adults
    within communities, and low vs high socioeconomic
    status of communities (see Coon, Carey, Fulker,
    1992).
  • Theorists who endorse the contextual model study
    just how intelligence relates to the external
    world in which the model is being applied and
    evaluated.
  • But what prompted psychologists to believe that
    culture might play a role in how we define and
    assess intelligence?

25
Cultural context and intelligence
  • In a famous study of 1971, the investigators
    asked adult members of the Kpelle tribe in Africa
    to sort terms representing concepts.
  • In Western culture more intelligent people
    typically will sort hierarchically. Less
    intelligent people will typically sort
    functionally. They may sort "fish" with "eat,"
    for example, or they may sort "clothes" with
    "wear". The Kpelle sorted functionallyeven after
    investigators unsuccessfully tried to get the
    Kpelle spontaneously to sort hierarchically.
    Finally, in desperation, one of the experimenters
    asked a Kpelle to sort as foolish person would
    sort, and the Kpelle quickly and easily sorted
    hierarchically.

26
Cultural context and intelligence
  • A study by Sarason and Doris (1979) provides a
    more familiar example.
  • The researchers tracked the IQs of an immigrant
    population Italian Americans.
  • Less than a century ago, first-generation
    Italian-American children showed a median IQ of
    87 (low average range 76-100), even when
    nonverbal measures were used and when so-called
    mainstream American attitudes were considered.
  • Some social commentate and intelligence
    researchers of the day pointed to heredity and
    other non environmental factors as the basis for
    the low IQs. Stephen Ceci (1991) notes that the
    subsequent generations of Italian-American
    students who take IQ tests today show slightly
    above-average IQs. Even the most fervent
    hereditarians would be unlikely to attribute such
    remarkable gains in one or two generations to
    heredity.
  • Cultural assimilation, including integrated
    education, seems a much more plausible
    explanation.
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