Using Evoked Magnetoencephalographic Responses for the Cognitive Neuroscience of Language

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Using Evoked Magnetoencephalographic Responses
for the Cognitive Neuroscience of Language

• Alec Marantz
• MIT
• KIT/MIT MEG Joint Research Lab
• Department of Linguistics and Philosophy

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From Cog Sci to Cog Neurosci

• Cognitive Science, including Linguistics, has
  used behavioral data to develop computational
  theories of language representation and use
• These theories play out along the dimensions of
  time (sequential processing stages), space
  (separation of processing functions) and
  complexity (difficulty of processing)

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Cognitive Neuroscience of Language

• Cognitive Science moves to Cognitive Neuroscience
  when the temporal, spatial, and complexity
  dimensions of cognitive theories are mapped onto
  the time course, localization, and intensity of
  brain activity
• However, because of the lack of temporal
  information, the development of Neurolinguistics
  with fMRI and PET techniques has tended to
  flatten theories of the Cognitive Neuroscience of
  Language

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Cognitive Science Taft Forster 1977
(traditional articulated Cog Sci)
Affix stripping, followed by recombination of
stem and affix
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sample prediction from model

• -semble is a stem, since assemble, resemble,
  dissemble are words
• -sassin (assasin) is not a stem, since only
  assassin is a word
• It should take longer to reject semble as a
  non-word than sassin, since semble is a
  lexical item (semble requires looping from box
  4 through box 5 in the model before reaching box
  7, while sassin pushes directly from box 4 to
  box 7, No)

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Taft 2004 further behavioral support for
articulated model of processing stages
More contemporary instantiation of model -- makes
predictions about RTs based, e.g., on a theory of
the experimental task
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Flattened computational model Gonnerman Plaut
(2000)
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• Masked priming experiment compares responses to
• Semantic sofa-COUCH
• Morphological hunter-HUNT
• Orthographic passive-PASS
• Unrelated award-MUNCH
• Claim failure to find special location for the
  morphological condition (using fMRI) supports
  flat model in which morphology is an emergent
  property of semantic and phonological/orthographic
  relatedness

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fMRI experiment consistent with flattened
computational model. Temporal/sequential
processing not at issue.
But the masked priming experimental design is
confounded with respect to predictions from a
Taft-style model with affix-stripping since the
orthographic items consist of possible stems
and stripable affixes (e.g., tenable/ten
passive/pass)
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Articulated vs. Flattened Model

• Tafts articulated affix-stripping model predicts
  that tenable and bendable should be processed
  in the same places (in the model/brain) and in
  the same temporal sequence (affix stripping
  followed by stem activation followed by
  recombination), with differences in complexity
  (measured, e.g., by level of brain activity or
  latency of brain events)
• Thus the cognitive science model predicts the
  fMRI results and makes further predictions
  testable with techniques that allow exploration
  of the latency of brain responses

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MEG allows cognitive neuroscience to fully
embrace cognitive science

• MEG records the magnetic fields generated by
  electrical activity in the brain, millisecond by
  millisecond
• MEG has the spatial resolution, the temporal
  resolution and the sensitivity necessary to test
  predictions from cognitive science along the
  space, time and complexity dimensions

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Plot

• Examples of MEG experiments exploiting the
  temporal, spatial, and intensity resolution of
  the technique
• A return to Tafts stages
• The future even closer ties between
  experimental designs in cognitive science and
  cognitive neuroscience

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KIT/MIT MEG Lab
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Magnetoencephalography (MEG) study of the
brains magnetic fields
http//www.ctf.com/Pages/page33.html
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Magnetoencephalography (MEG)
Liina Pylkkänen, Aug 03, Tateshina
Distribution of magnetic field at 93 ms (auditory
M100)
Averaged epoch of activity in all sensors,
overlapping wave forms, one line/sensor
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MEG exemplified
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Parametric variation in letter string length and
in added visual noise
Categorical symbol vs letter manipulation
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M100 response varies in intensity with visual
noise M170 response varies in intensity with
string length
Note separation in space and temporal sequence
(M100 vs. M170) consistent with sequential
processing model
M100 response
M170 response
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Intensity of M170 response to letters as compared
to symbols confirms function of processing at
M170 time location (visual word form or
letter string area)
Reaction time to read words predicted by
combination of M170 amplitude and latency
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Latency coding? Response latency correlates with
stimulus properties.
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Auditory M100 (from auditory cortex)
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Frequency of tone predicts latency of M100 peak
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Temporal Coding?Shape of response over time at
M100 latency and source location correlates with
phonetic category of stimulus
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Voiced (b,d) vs. voiceless (p,t) consonant
auditory evoked response
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• Different ways of measuring the shape of the M100
  response to voiced vs. voiceless consonants yield
  good computational experts that can classify
  data from a single response as either a pa/ta or
  a ba/da with significantly greater than chance
  accuracy

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Sequential processing of words
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What happens in the brain when we read words?
Letter string processing (Tarkiainen et al. 1999)
Lexical activation (Pylkkänen et al. 2002)
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Note left lateralization of responses in standard
perisylvian language areas
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M350
Latency of M350 sensitive to lexical
factors such as lexical frequency and
repetition
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M350 is (in time and place) the locus of lexical
activation lexical decision modulated by
competition among activated items occurs later
and elsewhere
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Vitevich and Luce (1998), stages of word
processing

• Phonotactic probability (sub-lexical frequency of
  bits of words) affects lexical activation, with
  frequency being facilitory
• Phonological neighborhood density affects lexical
  decision (after activation), with density being
  inhibitory
• Phonotactic probability and neighborhood density
  are usually highly correlated, so the same items
  that facilitate activation inhibit decision
• So, words with high phonotactic probabilities
  from dense neighborhoods should show quicker M350
  latencies but slower RTs in lexical decision

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Words and non-words with high probability sound
sequences, from dense neighbors, show quicker
M350s and slower RTs
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Pylkkänen et al. (2002)
M350 not sensitive to competition from
phonological neighbors, RT is


NEIGHBORHOOD COMPETITION EFFECT
SUBLEXICAL PHON FREQUENCY EFFECT
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Irregular Past Tense PrimingStockall Marantz
(to appear in Mental Lexicon)

• In cross-modal priming (hear one word, make a
  lexical decision on a letter string presented
  immediately after), irregulars dont generally
  prime their stems behaviorally
• gave-GIVE taught-TEACH
• Allen Badecker show that orthographic overlap
  in this experimental design leads to RT
  inhibition and that past-tense/stem pairs with
  higher orthographic overlap yield less priming
  than those with less overlap

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Prediction of linguistic theories (e.g.,
Distributed Morphology)

• Irregular past tense/stem priming paradigms
  (gave/give, taught/teach) should yield identity
  priming at the stage of root/stem activation (the
  M350) and form competition effects among
  allomorphs subsequently, slowing reaction time
  relative to pure stem/stem identity priming.

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MEG irregular past-tense priming experiment

• Design
• Visual-visual immediate priming, lexical decision
  on the target
• (see Pastizzo and Feldman 2002 )

prime

target
450 50
200 0 2500ms
Duration of trial (ms)
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MEG Results M350 Priming for Past Tense/Stem
equivalent to identity priming
Significant priming for Identity condition
(p0.01) TAUGHT-TEACH vs. SMACK-TEACH
(p0.04) GAVE-GIVE vs. PLUM-GIVE
(p0.05) No reliable effect for
STIFF-STAFF vs GRAB-STAFF (p0.13)
Amount of Priing
Amount of Priming n8
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RT Results Competition effects no significant
priming for TAUGHT-TEACH
Significant priming for Identity condition
(p0.0009) GAVE-GIVE (p0.03) Significant
inhibition for STIFF-STAFF (p0.01) No
reliable effect for TAUGHT-TEACH (p0.21)
(but trend towards inhibition)



n.s.
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MEG RT ResultsMEG taps stem activation RT
reflects decision in the face of competition



n.s.
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Follow-up Add regulars and ritzy/glitzy condition

• Regulars
• walk-walked
• Orthographic Semantic Overlap
• boil-broil
• Reverse order, stem before past tense

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ritzy-glitzy items

• dropdrip clashclang
• flipflop blossombloom
• petpat ghostghoul
• gloomglum shrivelshrink
• squishsquash crumplerumple
• boilbroil screechscream
• strainsprain convergemerge
• mangletangle scaldscorch
• slimtrim crinklewrinkle
• bumplump attaingain
• burstbust scrapescratch

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Order effect on RT i.e., on form competition
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Linguistic Computational Models of Morphology
fully supported

• Relation between irregular past tense form and
  stem is like that between regular past tense form
  and stem (or between identical stems), not like
  that between words phonologically/orthographically
  and semantically related (boil - broil)
• Root priming separates from form competition
  (between allomorphs of stem) in time course of
  lexical access

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Taft (2004), Morphological Decomposition and the
Reverse Base Frequency Effect.

• Claim Base frequency effects (RT to complex word
  correlates with freq of stem) reflect access of
  the stem of morphological complex forms whereas
  surface frequency effects (RT to complex word
  correlates with freq of complex word) reflect
  stage of checking recombination of stem and affix
  for existence and/or well-formedness.
• The suggestion being made, then, is that the
  advantage at the early stages of processing of
  having a relatively high base frequency could be
  potentially obscured by counterbalancing factors
  happening at later stages of processing. 750-1

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Lexical Decision Task

• non-word foils consisting of existing words with
  ungrammatical affixes (mirths, kettled, joying,
  redly, iratest) (just like the Devlin
  orthographic cases)
• three classes of words
• mending class low surface frequency
• low base frequency
• seeming class low surface frequency
• high base frequency
• growing class mid surface frequency
• high base frequency

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• Claim advantage of high base frequency for
  seem at stem access stage (indexed by the M350)
  is offset in RT by a disadvantage for the
  low-frequency of the use of the ing with the
  seem stem, i.e., at the post-affix
  recombination stage, indexed by RT
• (For Taft, manipulating the foils in lexical
  decision attenuated the surface frequency effect,
  arguing for two stages of processing in the
  indirect fashion typical of good cognitive
  science )

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Reilly and Holt 2004, with the KIT/MIT MEG Team

• Replicate Tafts experiment in the MEG Lab
• Predict
• base frequency affects root access and thus M350
  latency
• surface frequency affects post-M350
  recombination stage and thus RT

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Results M350 Latency tracks Base Frequency, RT
tracks Surface Frequency
gt
gt
gt
Surface Frequency effect at RT (significant at
.05 level), Mending and Seeming slower than
Growing
Base Frequency effect at M350 Latency
(significant at .05 level), Mending slower than
Seeming and Growing
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Conclusion

• MEG serves as a tool to upgrade cognitive science
  ( linguistics) to cognitive neuroscience without
  losing the empirically motivated richness of
  cognitive computational theories
• Cog Sci notions of space, time, and complexity
  map onto brain space, latency and magnitude of
  neural activity

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Whats the next step?

• Traditional approaches to MEG analysis involve
  averaging together many responses (repeated from
  an experimental bin) prior to computing
  differences in responses by condition within each
  subject
• This contrasts with standard cognitive science
  practice (e.g., with RT) of including a dependent
  measure from each trial in the ANOVA.
• To fully incorporate cognitive theories into
  cognitive neuroscience, including the correlation
  of continuous variables with continuous response
  measures and the use of item analyses in complex
  designs, we need to include single trial MEG data
  in our analyses

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Why not single trial MEG?

• For the type of experiment discussed in this
  talk, we would need to extract response amplitude
  and latency information from each trial, given a
  response defined in terms of source
  localization
• So, we would look at each single response for
  dipole source activation (latency of peak
  response, amplitude of response) for a source
  identified from grand averaged data for a subject

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M100 Latency, Single Trials(Marantz, in
preparation)

• Left hemisphere M100 source computed via single
  dipole model from grand averaged response to 60
  tones, 30 at 200Hz, 30 at 1KHz
• Weight matrix from dipole source used as spatial
  filter over raw data to derive dipole activation
  latency for each tone individually

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Single trial M100 latencies
200Hz
1 KHz
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Single trial analysis as in behavioral studies is
possible using only normal MEG techniques and
tools

• No fancy pre-processing
• No fancy localization or statistical tools
• For responses less automatic than the M100,
  expect overlap in scatter plots to be greater
  (approaching that for RTs in e.g. lexical
  decision experiments)

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Taft Forster re-visited

• Is RT slow-down for -semble (bound stem) over
  -sassin (pseudo-stem) attributable to lexical
  access for semble but not for sassin, as Taft
  claims, or to response competition from words
  (resemble, dissemble, assemble vs. assassin)?
• Prediction slow-down at lexical access should
  show up at M350 while slow-down for response
  competition should occur after (as shown by
  neighborhood density and past tense studies)

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Brown Marantz (in preparation)

• 3 subjects
• 20 real stems, 20 pseudo stems (matched by Taft
  Forster along various dimensions) per condition
• Single trial analysis of MEG data M350 dipole
  activation peak analysis, with M350 dipole fitted
  over left-hemisphere sensors on the grand average
  to all stimuli in the experiment

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Slow-down is observed at M350 for 3 subjects and
108 observations, difference is significant over
the single trial MEG data but not yet for RT
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• Taft theory of decomposition in which bound stems
  have lexical entries is fully supported by the
  MEG data
• Single trial MEG data is at least as consistent
  as reaction time data
• MEG can be used on par with RT to add additional
  dependent variables to experiments testing
  computational theories within cognitive
  neuroscience

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Thank you.

• marantz_at_mit.edu