Title: Persistent Poverty in Ghanas Upper East
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2Persistent Poverty in Ghanas Upper East
3Ghanas Upper East Losing out in Poverty Reduction
- Between 1992 and 1999 national poverty rates in
Ghana had dropped from 52 to 40. (Source 2
Ghana Living Standards Surveys) - But poverty in the Upper East had increased.
- 97.3 of its food producers were poor in 1999
compared with 66 in 1992 - Most UE households are food producers
- Poverty in UE is widespread severe and persistent.
4Background Context of Upper East
- Dry Sudan Savannah (1 rainy season of c. 5
months) - Physically isolated from rest of Ghana - poor
roads. - But some access to southern Ghanaian markets and
cross border markets in Burkina Faso. - History of gradual adoption of food cash crops
(1950s to now) - Little non-agricultural investment, so few
off-farm employment/income opportunities (though
some) - Historically low levels of state spending in the
Region - Densely settled
5The Research
- Based on quantitative and qualitative data
gathered in 1975 and 1989 - From six contingent communities (Tempane-
Gagbiri) - Households matched between 2 study years
- Longitudinal study with time difference of 14
years - Qualitative data ethnographic and interview
6How did the research define poverty ?
- Goats sheep and cattle are most important
household assets - Other assets include zinc roofs and bicycles (not
many) - Points values assigned to these assets to
construct livestock status indicator and asset
status indicator - Significant economic inequality showed in both
livestock status and asset status - In both 1975 and 1989 the top 10 households had
mean livestock points 22 times greater than the
bottom 50
7Poverty Categories
- Small minority were Secure households - those
with 35 livestock points and over. -
- Most households - the Vulnerable - have livestock
points between 1.1 and 35 - The Destitute, a small but growing group, are
households with 1 livestock points or less. They
own less than 5 hens.
8Perceived Poverty Trends 1975 to 1989
- Increased concern with food production
- Things getting worse
- Economic reforms from 1984 onwards include
removal of fertiliser subsidy - Lower rainfall and poorer soil fertility
- too poor to farm
9Measured poverty trends 1975 to 1989
10 Incomes from a limited number of cash crops
adjusted against national inflation.
11Measured Poverty Trends 1975 to 1989
- Increase in destitute households
- Producing a slight decrease in proportions in
secure and vulnerable groups - Lower levels of livestock
- Rise in cash crop incomes (but not necessarily
overall incomes) - Assets static or increased
12Poverty Dynamics
- Comparing the poverty status of the matched
households in the 2 study years
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14Poverty Dynamics 1975 to 1989Falling Off and
Getting On
- Total matched households 113
- In 1989, 6 out of 10 households were in the same
poverty status as in 1975 - 38 had changed poverty category
- 15 moved up and 28 moved down
- Of the 20 households that were secure in 1975,
only six remained secure in 1989 - Of the 22 households that were destitute in 1989,
17 had fallen into destitution since 1975
15Key Questions
- What processes underlie these poverty
trajectories? - Why do some households fall into destitution?
- How are some are able to follow successful
strategies of accumulation and thus remain
relatively secure?
16Key Findings
- Household size linked to wealth
- Vulnerability to shocks
- A minority of economically secure households have
been able to pursue limited accumulation
strategies - A structural bifurcation exists between this
minority and the majority of households that have
stabilized dynamically around exceedingly low
levels of poverty -
- The secure who are striving to accumulate make
use of positive feed-back loops. The destitute
and many of the vulnerable are caught in poverty
traps negative feedback loops
17The importance of household size and male labour
- Positive relationship between greater wealth and
larger household size. - No particular aspect of household composition is
significant. - The dependency ratios of wealthier households are
no better than those of poorer households. - The absolute size of household and the number of
men, married women and adult women are positively
associated with increased economic security. - The poorest lack labor, the richest have lots of
labor
18How do households come to be large or small?
- Regionally specific features of household
structure are very important - Household size is linked to initial endowments
and is socially managed. - Successful household heads seek to attract and
retain household members in a variety of ways - Members drain away from less successful
households - For example managing migration
19How migration effects poverty
- Younger men went away on labor migration from
poorer and richer, smaller and larger
households., but effects on wellbeing differed. - In larger, more well-resourced households, a
succession of men could leave on labor migration
and return without stripping the household of
male family labor. - Successful household heads helped them to
re-start farming and set up enterprises when they
returned - In smaller, poorer households, labor migrants
tended to stay away longer and often came back to
great poverty - Their absence made small households very
vulnerable, farming became difficult, and there
was less incentive to return. - A decision by a son or brother to leave from a
poor household was both a result of poverty and a
cause of it.
20Vulnerability to Shocks
- Downward spirals into destitution occurred when
the resource endowments of households were
insufficient to deal with fairly ordinary shocks
such as illness, or poor harvest - Ill elderly or disabled heads lacking in male
labor have no margin to meet these shocks. - Vulnerable households may be continuing to farm
only by hiring themselves out in exchange for
seeds or plowing, by using remittances, or by
asset stripping. - Some of the destitute are young household heads
who lack resources to farm properly and only get
such resources by farming for others. Their lack
of kinship capital can be catastrophic.
21Searching for SecurityAccumulation Strategies
- The secure constitute a minority of households
whose economic and social strategies diverge from
the majority of the population their search for
security includes the aspiration to accumulate - These strategies centre on farming, but also make
use of formal employment or trading or businesses
as a source of farming capital - They are all bullock plow farmers
- They grow extensive food cash crops and either
adopted plow technology early, or had established
links with state or NGO schemes that provided
credit for cash crop inputs.
22Positive and Negative Feedback Loops
- The bifurcation between a few who can aspire to
accumulate and those that adopt low risk
strategies is characterised by - Positive feedback loops for the few.
- Negative feedback loops poverty
traps - for the many.
23Poverty TrapsNegative Feedback Loops
- Low asset endowment reduces farming capacity,
cant build up assets - Shocks illness or climate use up small store
of assets also needed for farming - Informal credit for farming inputs is paid back
in labor , reducing labor for own farming - Poor households cant attract members, lack labor,
cant farm enough - Migration from poor households reduces available
labor and increases vulnerability and poverty of
household. -
24Positive Feedback Loops
- Adopt new agricultural technology early (on
credit, if possible) - Grow more cash crops, use more labour parties,
reinvest in farming - Manipulate household size and manage household
labour positively - Access public employment
- By Investing in education
- By using political links
25Implications for Policy
- Poverty pervasive and critically related to poor
health, poor resource endowments and poor local
diversification opportunities - Improve health services
- Promote rural development
- Promote appropriate small scale agricultural
technology improvements - Establish accessible credit
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