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Understanding Recent Changes in Child Poverty

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Title: Understanding Recent Changes in Child Poverty


1
Understanding Recent Changes in Child Poverty
  • Austin Nichols, Urban Institute
  • ltanichols AT ui.urban.orggt
  • Tenth Annual ACF/OPRE Welfare Research and
    Evaluation Conference
  • June 6, 2007

2
What Happened to Child Poverty?
Black child poverty fell dramatically in the
1990s.
3
Why does child poverty change?
  • Demographic Structure
  • Marital status of parents, number of parents
    present
  • Lerman (1996) increase in single parents, 1971
    to 1989
  • Number of children per family
  • Age of parents
  • Education of workers in the family
  • Earnings and Employment
  • Unemployment rates
  • Blank and Blinder (1986) Hoynes, Page, and
    Stevens (2005)
  • Government Policies taxes and credits, welfare,
    etc.
  • Meyer and Rosenbaum (2001) EITC spurred LFP in
    90s

4
Cycles in Child Poverty and Unemployment
5
Other Explanatory Factors
6
Other Recent Research
  • Lichter and Crowley (2004), using the CPS,
    attribute half the decline in poverty among
    children living with single mothers between 1996
    and 2000 (and 69 of the decline for Black
    children) to increased maternal employment.
  • Lichter, Qian, and Crowley (2005), using the
    PUMS, conclude employment explains 27 of
    decreased poverty for children of White
    ever-married single mothers, and 18 of decreased
    child poverty for children of Black ever-married
    single mothers, between 1990 and 2000.
  • Both use standardization multiply partitioned
    child poverty rate at time 2 by time 1 category
    weightscounterfactual is what would poverty
    have been if sizes of populations had not changed?

7
Options for Methods to Explain Changes in Poverty
Rates
  • Panel regression
  • Shift-share analysis or standardization
  • Categorical explanatory variables only
  • Gomulka and Stern (1990)
  • use data from time 1 and coefficients from time 2
    to partition change among coefficients and
    characteristics (not detailed decompositions)
    also reweight proportions in categories to base
    year (see Table 5), similar to Dinardo, Fortin,
    Lemieux (1996)
  • Yun (2003)
  • Blinder-Oaxaca-style decomposition generalized to
    nonlinear models
  • Fairlie (2005)
  • matching decomposition requires equal samples,
    which in practice requires repeatedly drawing
    samples from the larger group (more recent survey
    year in the case of year-to-year differences
    measured in the CPS)

8
Data
  • I use the same data used in computing the
    official poverty rate, microdata from the March
    CPS, survey years 1981 to 2006. The March CPS for
    1981 refers to income earned in 1980, but
    measures family structure in early 1981.
  • Highest prevailing minimum wages are measured at
    the state level, and deflated by the national CPI
    research series.
  • State unemployment rates are from the DoL BLS
    Local Area Unemployment Statistics (LAUS)
    program.

9
Results
  • Panel regressions
  • Logit (probit produces same results)
  • State and year fixed effects
  • Only changes within a state can explain changes
    in poverty rates.
  • Coefficients scaled by mean of f(Xb)100 so
    interpretation of effect is in percentage
    points
  • Mean is 6 for White children, and 11 for Black
    children
  • Decomposition explains proportion of changes in
    poverty rates due to changes in explanatory
    factors, and their influence on poverty
    (coefficients)

10
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11
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12
Year Pairs for Decomposition 1993-2000, 2000-2005
13
Explaining Change in Rates
14
Conclusions
  • Both panel regression and various decompositions
    indicate that families of Black children are more
    exposed to risk of macroeconomic shocks.
  • Panel regression shows parents work attachment,
    education, and family structure are strong
    predictors of child poverty, and state
    unemployment rates and real minimum wages are
    not.
  • Decompositions are sensitive to assumptions and
    techniques, but state unemployment rates and
    minimum wages appear much more important.
  • Decreasing state unemployment rates are
    associated with lower poverty for children in
    families with no education beyond high-school in
    the earlier period (1993-2000), and rising
    unemployment and falling real minimum wages are
    associated with higher child poverty in the
    latter (2000-2005).

15
More conclusions
  • The panel regressions are really repeated
    cross-sections, so they measure predictors of
    child poverty at a point in timework and
    education of parents, and number of parents.
  • Oaxaca-style decompositions measure whether
    observed changes in poverty rates can be
    explained by observed changes in other factors,
    but cannot hope to identify causes of changes in
    either poverty rates or explanatory factors.

16
Speculation
  • Would like to knowdid welfare reform or the EITC
    expansion drive changes in labor force
    participation and employment rates? Timing
    appears coincident with EITC (but no causal
    connection established).
  • Or was the employment boom of the 1990s driven
    entirely by exogenous shifts in labor demand?
    Labor demand for low-skill workers seems to have
    a small positive slope, or to be nearly perfectly
    elastic, possibly as an artifact of wage
    controls, so its implausible.

17
Open Questions
  • What are the impacts of policy on explanatory
    factors, and poverty? Needs a better research
    design than any extant work. Regression horse
    races unconvincing on EITC vs. welfare reform.
  • Are the later consequences (including
    intergenerational impacts) of poverty spells the
    same for children who are poor in high-poverty
    years, as for children who are poor in
    low-poverty years?
  • Is a child always better off with working
    parents, if he would otherwise be poor?
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