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Chapter 11: Parsing with Unification Grammars

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Title: Chapter 11: Parsing with Unification Grammars


1
Chapter 11 Parsing with Unification Grammars
  • Heshaam Faili
  • hfaili_at_ece.ut.ac.ir
  • University of Tehran

2
Overview
  • Feature Structures and Unification
  • Unification-Based Grammars
  • Chart Parsing with Unification-Based Grammars
  • Type Hierarchies

3
Feature structures
  • We had a problem adding agreement to CFGs. What
    we needed were features, e.g., a way to say
  • number sg
  • person 3
  • A structure like this allows us to state
    properties, e.g., about a noun phrase
  • cat NP
  • number sg
  • person 3
  • Each feature (e.g., number) is paired with a
    value (e.g., sg)
  • A bundle of feature-value pairs can be put into
    an attribute-value matrix (AVM)

4
Feature paths
  • Values can be atomic (e.g. sg or NP or 3),
    or can be complex, and thus we can define feature
    paths
  • cat NP
  • agreement number sg
  • person 3
  • The value of the path agreement number is sg
  • A grammar with only atomic feature values can be
    converted to a CFG.
  • e.g. AVM on previous page ? NP3,sg
  • However, when the values are complex, it is more
    expressive than a CFG ? can represent more
    linguistic phenomena

5
An Example for FS
6
Reentrancy (structure-sharing)
  • Feature structures embedded in feature structures
    can share the same values
  • That is, two features have the exact same
    valuethey share precisely the same object as
    their value
  • well indicate this with a tag like 1
  • cat S
  • head agr 1num sg
  • per 3
  • subj agr 1
  • In this example, the agreement features of both
    the matrix sentence and the embedded subject are
    identical
  • This is referred to as reentrancy

7
FS with shared value
8
Feature structures as graphs
  • Technically, feature structures are directed
    acyclic graphs (DAGs)
  • So, the feature structure represented by the
    attribute-value matrix (AVM)
  • cat NP
  • agreement number sg
  • person 3
  • is really the graph

CAT
np
?
?
sg
NUM
?
AGR
PER
?
?
3
9
Unification
  • Unification (U) a basic operation to merge two
    feature structures into a resultant feature
    structure (FS)
  • The two feature structures must be compatible,
    i.e., have no values that conflict
  • Identical FSs
  • number sg U number sg number sg
  • Conflicting FSs
  • number sg U number pl Fail
  • Merging with an unspecified FS
  • number sg U number number sg

10
Unification (cont.)
  • Merging FSs with different features specified
  • number sg U person 3 number sg
  • person 3
  • More examples
  • cat NP U agreement number sg
  • cat NP
  • agreement number sg
  • agr num sg
  • subj agr num sg U subj
    agr num sg
  • agr num sg
  • subj agr num sg

11
Unification with Reentrancies
  • Remember that structure-sharing means they are
    the same object
  • agr 1num sg U subj agr per 3
  • per 3
    num sg
  • subj agr 1
  • agr 1 num sg
  • per 3
  • subj agr 1
  • When unification takes place, shared values are
    copied over
  • agr 1 U sub agr per 3
  • subj agr 1 num
    sg
  • agr 1
  • subj agr 1per 3
  • num sg

12
Unification with Reentrancies (cont.)
  • And remember that having similar values is not
    the same as structure-sharing
  • agr num sg U sub agr
    per 3
  • subj agr num sg
    num sg
  • agr num sg
  • subj agr per 3
  • num sg
  • With structure-sharing, you have to make sure the
    values are compatible everywhere that
    structure-sharing is specified
  • agr 1num sg U agr num sg
  • per 3 per 3 Fail
  • subj agr 1 subj agr num pl
  • per 3

13
Subsumption
  • We can see that a more general feature structure
    (less values specified) subsumes a more specific
    feature structure
  • (1) num sg
  • (2) per 3
  • (3) num sg
  • per 3
  • So, we have the following subsumption relations,
    where
  • (1) subsumes (3)
  • (2) subsumes (3)
  • (1) does not subsume (2), and (2) does not
    subsume (1)

14
Implementing Unification
  • How do we implement a check on unification?
  • i.e., given feature structures F1 and F2, return
    F, the unification of F1 and F2
  • Unification is a recursive operation
  • If a feature has an atomic value, see if the
    other FS has that feature with the same value
  • F a unifies with , F , and F a
  • If a feature has a complex value, follow the
    paths to see if theyre compatible and have the
    same values at bottom
  • Does F G1 unify with F G2? We have to
    inspect G1 and G2 to find out.
  • To avoid cycles, we have to do an occur check to
    see if weve seen a FS before or not

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18
Overview
  • Feature Structures and Unification
  • Unification-Based Grammars
  • Chart Parsing with Unification-Based Grammars
  • Type Hierarchies

19
Grammars with Feature Structures
  • CFG skeleton augmented with feature structure
    path equations, i.e., each category has a feature
    structure
  • CFG skeleton
  • S ? NP VP
  • Path equations
  • ltNP agreementgt ltVP agreementgt
  • 1. There can be zero or more path equations for
    each rule skeleton ? no longer atomic
  • 2. When a path equation references constituents,
    they can only be constituents from the CFG rule
  • e.g., ltD agreementgt ltNom agreementgt is an
    illegal equation for the above rule! (But it
    would be fine for NP ? Det Nom)

20
Agreement in Feature-Based Grammars
  • S ? NP VP
  • ltS headgt ltVP headgt
  • ltNP head agrgt ltVP head agrgt
  • VP ? V NP
  • ltVP headgt ltV headgt
  • NP ? Det Nom(inal)
  • ltNP headgt ltNom headgt
  • ltDet head agrgt ltNom head agrgt
  • Nom ? Noun
  • ltNom headgt ltNoun headgt
  • Noun ? flights
  • ltNoun head agr numgt pl
  • Compare with the CFG case
  • S ? 3sgNP 3sgVP
  • S ? PluralNP PluralVP
  • 3sgVP? 3sgVerb
  • 3sgVP ? 3sgVerb NP
  • 3sgVP ? 3sgVerb NP PP
  • 3sgVP ? 3sgVerb PP
  • etc.

21
Percolating Agreement Features
  • S ? NP VP
  • ltNP head agrgt ltVP head agrgt
  • VP ? V NP
  • ltVP headgt ltV headgt
  • NP ? Det Nom
  • ltNP headgt ltNom headgt
  • ltDet head agrgt ltNom head agrgt
  • Nom ? Noun
  • ltNom headgt ltNoun headgt

22
Head features in the grammar
  • An important concept shown in the previous rules
    is that heads of grammar rules share properties
    with their mothers
  • VP ? V NP
  • ltVP headgt ltV headgt
  • Knowing the head will tell you about the whole
    phrase
  • This is important for many parsing techniques

23
Sub-categorization
  • We could specify subcategorization like so
  • VP ? V
  • ltVP head subcatgt intrans
  • VP ? V NP
  • ltVP head subcatgt trans
  • VP ? V NP NP
  • ltVP head subcatgt ditrans
  • But values like intrans do not correspond to
    anything that the rules actually look like
  • To make SUBCAT better match the rules, we can
    make it a list of a verbs arguments, e.g. ltNP,PPgt

24
Handling Subcategorization
head 1subcat lt 2, 3gt
  • VP ? V NP PP
  • ltVP headgt ltVerb headgt
  • ltVP head subcatgt ltNP,PPgt
  • V ? leaves
  • ltV head agr numgt sg
  • ltV head subcatgt ltNP,PPgt
  • There is also a longer, more formal way to
    specify lists
  • ltNP,PPgt is equivalent to
  • FIRST NP
  • REST FIRST PP
  • REST ltgt

VP
PP
V
NP
cat 2
cat 3
leaves
head 1agr num sg subcat lt
cat np, cat pp gt
25
Subcategorization frames
  • Subcategorization, or valency, or dependency is a
    very important notion in capturing syntactic
    regularity And there is a wide variety of
    arguments that a verb (or noun or adjective) can
    take.
  • Some subcategorization frames for ask
  • He asked Q What was it like?
  • He asked Swh what it was like
  • He asked NP her Swh what it was like
  • He asked VPto to see you
  • He asked NP her VPto to tell you
  • He asked NP a question
  • He asked NP her NP a question

26
Long-Distance Dependencies
  • What is the earliest flight that you have _?
  • TOP (fill gap)
  • S ? WH-word Be-copula NP
  • ltNP gapgt ltWH-word headgt
  • MIDDLE (pass gap)
  • NP ? D Nom
  • ltNP gapgt ltNom gapgt
  • Nom ? Nom RelClause
  • ltNom gapgt ltRelClause gapgt
  • RelClause ? RelPro NP VP
  • ltRelClause gapgt ltVP gapgt
  • BOTTOM (identify gap)
  • VP ? V
  • ltVP gapgt ltV subcat secondgt

S
27
Overview
  • Feature Structures and Unification
  • Unification-Based Grammars
  • Chart Parsing with Unification-Based Grammars
  • Type Hierarchies

28
Modifying a Chart Parser to handle Unification
  • Our grammar still has a context-free backbone, so
    we could just parse a sentence with a CFG and use
    the features to filter out the ungrammatical
    sentences
  • But by utilizing unification as we parse, we can
    eliminate parses that wont work in the end
  • e.g., well eliminate NPs that dont match in
    agreement features with their VPs as we parse,
    instead of ruling them out later

29
Changes to the Chart Representation
  • Each state will be extended to include the LHS
    DAG (which can get augmented as it goes along).
  • i.e., Add a feature structure (in DAG form) to
    each state
  • So, S ? ? NP VP, 0,0
  • Becomes S ? ? NP VP, 0,0, DagS
  • The predictor, scanner, and completer have to
    pass in the DAG, so all three operations have to
    be altered

30
Earley Chart Parser with Unification
31
Predictor
  • The predictor starts with the DAG from the
    context-free rule
  • S ? NP VP
  • ltS headgt ltVP headgt
  • ltNP head agrgt ltVP head agrgt
  • PREDICTOR
  • S ? ? NP VP, 0,0, dagS
  • where dagS is
  • S head 1
  • NP head agr 2
  • VP head 1agr 2

32
Completer
  • The completer combines two rules and unifies the
    two feature structures associated with them
  • COMPLETER
  • When an NP is completed, the DagS will get
    updated
  • S ? NP ? VP, 0,1, DagS
  • where DagS is now
  • S head 1
  • NP definite yes
  • head lex students
  • agr 2num pl
  • VP head 1 agr 2

33
Predictor, Scanner, Completer
34
Unify States
35
Change to ENQUEUE
  • The enqueue procedure should also be changed to
    use a subsumption test
  • Do not add a state to the chart if an equivalent
    or more general state is already there.
  • So, if Enqueue wants to add a singular
    determiner state at x, y, and the chart already
    has a determiner state at x, y unspecified for
    number, then Enqueue will not add it.

36
Why a Subsumption Test?
  • If we don't impose a subsumption restriction,
    enqueue will add two states at x, y, one
    expecting to see a singular determiner, the other
    just a determiner.
  • On seeing a singular determiner, the parser will
    advance the dot on both rules, creating two edges
    (since singular will unify with both singular and
    with unspecified).
  • As a result, we would get duplicate edges.
  • If we impose the restriction, and we see either a
    single or plural determiner, and we advance the
    dot, only one edge (singular or plural) gets
    created at x, y.

37
Overview
  • Feature Structures and Unification
  • Unification-Based Grammars
  • Chart Parsing with Unification-Based Grammars
  • Type Hierarchies

38
Using Type Hierarchies
  • Instead of simple feature structures, formalisms
    like Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG)
    use typed feature structures
  • Two problems right now
  • What prevents us right now from specifying the
    following?
  • ltnumber femininegt
  • How can we capture the fact that all values of
    NUMBER are the same sort of thing, i.e., make a
    generalization?
  • Solution use types

39
Type Systems
  • 1. Each feature structure is labeled by a type.
  • noun
  • CASE case
  • 2. Each type has appropriateness conditions
    specifying what features are appropriate for it.
  • noun ? CASE case
  • verb ? VFORM vform
  • 3. Types are organized into a type hierarchy.
  • 4. Unification is modified to allow two different
    types to unify.

40
Simple Type Hierarchy
41
Type Hierarchy
  • So, if
  • CASE is appropriate for noun, and
  • the value of CASE is case, and
  • we have the following type hierarchy
  • case
  • nom acc dat
  • Then, the following are possible feature
    structures
  • noun noun noun
  • CASE nom CASE acc CASE dat

42
Unification of types
  • Now, when we unify feature structures, we have to
    unify types, too
  • CASE case U CASE nom CASE nom
  • CASE nom U CASE acc fail
  • Lets also assume that acc and dat have a common
    subtype, obj
  • acc dat
  • obj
  • Then, we have the following unification
  • CASE acc U CASE dat CASE obj

43
Practices
  • 11.2, 11.7, 11.8
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