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Gradience in Split Intransitivity

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Gradience in Split Intransitivity. Mara van Schaik - The Turkish Pattern - The Threads ... verbs have various degrees of unaccusativity' or unergativity' ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Gradience in Split Intransitivity


1
Gradience in Split Intransitivity
- The Turkish Pattern -
Mara van Schaik
2
The Threads
  • Current views on split intransitivity ( SI)
  • The gradience approach
  • Telicity vs agentivity
  • Turkish diagnostic tests
  • Unaccusativity mismatches
  • A possible solution
  • Conclusions

3
Current views on SI
  • The Unaccusative Hypothesis
  • unaccusative vs unergative predicates
  • The role of semantics
  • projectionist approaches
  • thematic/aspectual structure ? syntax
  • constructional approaches
  • syntax ? semantic interpretation
  • Gradience in SI
  • verbs have various degrees of unaccusativity
  • or unergativity (within and across languages)

4
The Gradience Approach
  • Arguments pro
  • Soraces hierarchy (ASH/SIH)
  • Change of location
    selects BE (least variation)
  • Change of state
  • Continuation of a pre-existing state
  • Existence of state
  • Uncontrolled process
  • Controlled process (motional)
  • Controlled process (non-motional) selects
    HAVE (least variation)

5
The Gradience Approach
  • Typological predictions
  • 1. Other tests in Romance Germanic obey the
    ASH
  • 2. Tests in languages without AS obey the ASH
  • 3. Core verbs pass more tests than non-core
    verbs
  • Problems
  • 1. Impersonal passive constructions in German
  • 2. Quantifier floating in Japanese
  • 3. Turkish diagnostic tests

6
Telicity vs agentivity
  • Semantic features underlying the ASH
  • telicity (predicate feature) ? aspectual
    structure
  • determines the upper half of the ASH
  • agentivity (argument feature) ? thematic
    structure
  • determines the lower half of the ASH
  • Problems
  • the impersonal passive test
  • some active-inactive languages

7
Telicity vs agentivity
  • An alternative proposal
  • Foleys Actor-Undergoer hierarchy
  • Actor volitional performer
  • causing an event or change of state
  • sentience
  • movement A U
  • stationary
  • causally affected
  • incremental theme
  • Undergoer undergoing a change in state

8
Turkish diagnostic tests
  • The -mIs participle ( -mIs)
  • The impersonal passive ( IP)
  • The -(y)ArAk gerund ( -(y)ArAk)
  • Other tests

9
Turkish diagnostic tests
  • The -mIs test
  • prenominal participle
  • postterminative / stative-resultative value
  • Examples
  • a. çürü-müs yiyecek rotten food
    (unaccusative)
  • rot-mIs food
  • b. kos-mus çocuk run child
    (unergative)
  • run-mIs child

10
Turkish diagnostic tests
  • The IP test
  • attaches the passive suffix
  • good diagnostics past future (not aorist -
    generic)
  • Examples
  • a. Gösteri boyunca
    bagir-il-di. (unergative)
  • demonstration throughout
    shout-PASS-PAST.3per
  • It was shouted throughout the
    demonstration.
  • b. Ay, dün burada çok fena
    kay-il-di. (unaccusative)
  • oh yesterday here very badly
    skid-PASS-PAST
  • Oh, yesterday it was skidded here very
    badly.

11
Turkish diagnostic tests
  • The -(y)ArAk test
  • denotes simultaneous or consecutive action
  • the two verbs must be both unacc. or both unerg.
  • Examples
  • a. Kiz (top) oyna-y-arak sarki söyle-di.
    (unergative)
  • girl ball play-Y-ArAk sing-PST
  • The girl, while playing (ball),
    sang.
  • b. Kiz (top) oyna-y-arak kay-di.
    (unaccusative)
  • Girl ball play-Y-ArAk slip-PST
  • The girl, while playing (ball),
    slipped.

12
Turkish diagnostic tests
  • Other tests
  • et- do vs ol- be compounds (unerg. vs unacc.)
  • -Irken while vs -IncE when (the same)
  • -GAn, -tI vs. -mA nominalizations (the same)
  • -Ik adjectives (unaccusative)

13
Mismatches -mIs
  • Change of location
  • arrive, go, exit, enter occur with -mIs
    plus an adverbial (of path/manner/time)
  • rise, descend, advance freely occur with
    -mIs
  • State
  • position Vs (sit, lie) and psychological
    states (be scared) freely occur
    with -mIs
  • exist must take an adverbial

14
Mismatches -mIs
  • Uncontrolled process
  • some bodily function Vs (sweat, blush,
    sleep) freely occur with -mIs, some (shiver,
    cough, dream) take an adverbial, some
    (bleed) do not occur with -mIs
  • Controlled process
  • manner of motion Vs (run, swim, climb)
    occur with -mIs plus a path adverbial
  • non-motional Vs (talk, work) occur with -mIs
    plus an adverbial

15
Mismatches IP
  • Change of location
  • occur in IPs with agentive implicit subject (e.g.
    come)
  • Change of state
  • psychological changes (get bored) occur in IPs
  • Uncontrolled processes
  • body function Vs (sneeze, shiver, hiccup,
    sweat) occur in IPs

16
Mismatches -(y)ArAk
  • Uncontrolled processes
  • cry may coocur with come (about a child)
  • scream may coocur with be born (the same)
  • sway may coocur with slip (about a drunkard)
  • sparkle may coocur with go out (about light)
  • foam may coocur with pull back (about the
    sea)
  • sweat may coocur with die (about a person)

17
Mismatches
  • Soraces ASH is challenged by -mIs IP tests
  • definite change of location Vs cannot occur with
    -mIs without an adverbial (non-core behaviour)
  • (agentive) change of location Vs occur in IPs
    (the same)
  • manner of motion Vs can occur with -mIs if
    accompanied by a path adverbial
  • non-motional controlled processes can occur with
    -mIs and an adverbial
  • psychological change of state verbs occur in IPs

18
Mismatches
  • Foleys hierarchy is challenged by the -mIs test
  • both agentive and non-agentive motion Vs occur
    with -mIs
  • psychological states and positions also occur
    with -mIs

19
A possible solution
  • The IP depends on the degree of agentivity of the
    implicit subject (confirmed by Foleys hierarchy)
  • (telic) change of location Vs may occur in IPs
  • The -mIs test seems to depend on the degree of
    telicity agentivity of the construction
  • (telic) change of state Vs with non-agentive
    arguments pass the test as unaccusatives (e.g.
    melt)
  • telic change of location Vs pass the test as
    unaccusatives (e.g. fall, flee)

20
A possible solution
  • Most Turkish motion Vs are not inherently telic.
  • in the company of a path adverbial they become
    telic and pass the -mIs test
  • Problem
  • non-motional controlled processes occur with -mIs
    and an adverbial
  • An alternative solution
  • Turan -mIs does not test unaccusativity, but is
    rather associated with verbs with a consequent
    state

21
Conclusions
  • Turkish -mIs, IP, -(y)ArAk test results
  • change of state Vs are core unaccusatives in
    Turkish
  • controlled process (non-motional) Vs are core
    unerg.
  • intermediate classes exhibit variation
  • agentive motion Vs are underspecified for
    telicity
  • telicity plays no role in the IP test, but seems
    to be relevant in the -mIs and -(y)ArAk tests
  • there are doubts as to the validity of the -mIs
    test

22
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