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OIL PALM THE IMMIGRATION INDUSTRY AND MORAL PANIC

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Title: OIL PALM THE IMMIGRATION INDUSTRY AND MORAL PANIC


1
OIL PALM THE IMMIGRATION INDUSTRYAND MORAL
PANIC
  • Fadzilah Majid Cooke
  • Paper presented at the 9th International
    Symposium for Society and Resource Management at
    the University of Natural Resources and Applied
    Life Sciences (BOKU), Vienna , 5 9 July 2009

2
WHAT THIS PAPER IS ABOUT
  • Describes Results of An exploratory study that
  • Examines dominant and minority views concerning
    labour migration from Indonesia and the
    Philippines to the state of Sabah, East Malaysia.
  • Provides the political and economic context for
    the shaping of such views
  • Uses an ethnographic approach in examining such
    views which means privileging the perspectives of
    the group that the researcher works with as an
    initial step in the study of the phenomena of
    migration

3
OBJECTIVE
  • An exploratory study to gauge the opinion of
    different publics in Sabah for a larger scale
    study to follow on
  • the transnationalism of oil palm focussing on the
    nature of social interaction between in and out
    groups and their effects

4
METHOD
  • A Systematic survey of the English language
    newspaper , the Daily Express, from January 2005
    to January 2009, a paper selected because it does
    not belong to any political party or economic
    interest is Sabah based and focussed
  • PURPOSE to extract dominant themes (what) about
    migrant labour and the key players (who)
  • B. INTERVIEWS with Sabahan Publics, using the
    themes extracted from the newspapers. Interviews
    lasted from 20 to 25 minutes.

5
  • SAMPLING purposive sampling of two groups of
    workers because of their having direct experience
    in their economic lives of
  • servicing migrants , or of working alongside
    them
  • The 2 groups were
  • unlicensed taxi drivers in rural areas piret
    17 informants ,
  • workers in oil palm plantations - 23
    informants
  • ALL IN THE KINABATANGAN AREA, SABAH EAST COAST
  • Approach Qualitative, Using Semi Structured and
    Key informant Interviews. Work in Progress.
    Preliminary Findings

6
FIELDWORK LOCATION- THE KINABATANGAN
7
THE KINABATANGAN DISTRICT
  • Located in East Coast Sabah where most of large
    oil palm plantations are found (along the
    Kinabatangan river at Bukit Garam and further
    inland at Sukau)
  • In 2000, 73 of the Kinabatangan Population is
    migrant, almost all employed by oil palm estates.
  • Lahad Datu 34 population is migrant (4th
    highest in Sabah)

8
SOME PRELIMINARY FINDINGS 1
  • Newspaper Dominant themes MORAL PANIC
  • Migrant workers as demons illegals,
    opportunists, crime prone
  • Opprtunists Overstay their permits, buy fake
    Identity cards try to become citizens then
    apply for land rights under customary land bring
    their families or breed profusely
  • Crime prone drugs
  • Filipino refugees and Syabu are the same UPKO
    (Daily Express 25.08.05 1)
  • Sabah demography is fast changing, a feeling of
    being swamped by migrants
  • Migrants overtaxing health, educational services
    and infrastructure facilities through illegal use
    of electricity, water (usually without paying
    dues)

9
FINDINGS 2
  • If not deported, migrants will take over many
    aspects of economic and social life.
  • WHO ARE THE MAJOR SHAPERS OF VIEWS CONCERNING
    MORAL PANIC?
  • An element of Sabahan (not federal) political
    leadership
  • Some Sabahan non government organisations- e.g.
    Consumer Association of Sabah
  • An element of Sabah Suhakam (The Malaysian Human
    Rights Commission)

10
FINDINGS 3
  • MINORITY VIEWS (given less prominence in
    newspapers)
  • Estate/plantation construction and restaurant
    sectors of the Sabahan economy dependent on
    migrant labour.
  • Migrants have rights as workers
  • Stateless children and street kids are not
    criminals, wedlock, responsibility of the
    nation
  • WHO HOLD THESE VIEWS
  • Some employer associations (but they change their
    minds often)- e.g. Sabah United Chinese Chamber
    of Commerce
  • Some NGOs e.g. Yayasan Islam
  • Some politicians whose electorates are
    overwhelmingly migrant in character e.g.
    Assemblyman for Morotai, Mr. Pang Yuk Min
  • Some Federal government ministers

11
FINDINGS 4 A THRIVING IMMIGRATION INDUSTRY
  • The immigration industry making citizens out
    of non-citizens.
  • Produce documents especially Mykad - genuine
    (obtained illegaly from the national registration
    office - NRD). Or fake ones produced by a
    cottage industry
  • involves a range of interests business,
    political, bureaucratic/administrative and non
    citizen out groups.
  • In 2008 Applicants who have problems in obtaining
    a genuine i.c can get one for RM 18,000
    (Director of the Anti Corruption Agency cited in
    the Daily Express 25 Jan 2008p.1).
  • A fake i.c. produced by the cottage industry
    such as the one in at Kg. Hidayat, Milestone 4
    Jalan Apas, Tawau can cost RM 300 each (District
    Police Chief of Tawau cited in the Daily Express
    19 January 20081)

12
FINDINGS 5 - PIRET
  • WHO ARE THEY?
  • Drivers who provide an informal service to
    transport people and things mostly without a
    permit , with or without driving licence,
    insurance or road tax.
  • Most drivers tend to be small holder oil palm
    growers themselves, having
  • Land ranging from 3 to 15 acres. A few do not
    have land.
  • Arose out of the flows of people and things
  • Things refer to oil palm Fresh Fruit Bunches
    (FFBs) the urgency of
  • getting to mills on time 4 wheel drive
    vehicles owned by small holders for transporting
    their own FFBs to mills
  • People refer to plantation workers mostly
    foreign (Indonesian mainly
  • Bugis - and to a very small extent, Filipinos)
    working with or without permits or permits that
    have expired. Workers need to shop to visit, to
    organise documents, to go to clinics and
    hospitals.
  • .

13
FINDINGS 6 PIRET VIEWS OF MIGRANT WORKERS
  • Total of 17 respondents , 10 Full time drivers
    and 7 part time
  • A range of views
  • NOTE AN Indicator of friendship/trust when a
    piret gives his mobile ph. No. to a foreign worker

Full time 10 Part time 7
How many times in a month do you transport foreign workers? 8 daily 2 4x/mth 1 4x/m, 3 8-12x/m, 2 ne, 1 dly
Can you survive economically without them? No 8 No Answer 2 No 1 Yes 6
Have you ever had bad experience when driving them? No All No All
They are mostly criminals, do you agree? Disagree 6 ½ Agree 3 Agree 1 4 2 1
14
SOME VIEWS OF MIGRANT WORKERS PIRET
  • MIGRANTS AS LEGITIMATE SEEKERS OF ECONOMIC
    IMPROVEMENT
  • Saya baru balik dari KL 6 bulan, di tempat orang
    tidak mau cari gadoh. Mereka pun sama tidak mau
    cari gaduh. Saya ada kawan semasa saya kerja
    estet 10 tahun. Kawan tolong buka tanah, saya
    mau bayar tetapi kata mereka yang penting
    persahabatan. (ENCIK LUSLI at Kota
    Kinabatangan taxi stand, Feb 09)
  • MIGRANTS AS CRIMINALS
  • Disagree (10/17)
  • Tidak boleh kata orang asing yang punca jenayah.
    Kadang kadang orang kita pun boleh kacau. Mereka
    pun boleh berfikir. Kalau semua penjenayah yang
    ada disini sekarang pun jahat lah tapi maseh
    boleh bersemuka, kalau penjenayah sudah lari
    semua kami (ENCIK AMAT AT Kota Kinabatangan taxi
    stand, Feb 09).
  • E.g. of ½ Agree (5/17)
  • Orang kampung pun pandai cari gadoh juga. Tapi
    dia orang stail lain, dia orang tidak sedar dia
    ditempat orang. Tidak semua dalam 10 ada 3.
  • (Encik Alimi , Kota Kinabatangan taxi stand, Feb
    09)
  • E.g of Agree (1/17)
  • Setuju, Kalau di TV kebanyakkan pendatang buat
    kacau. Orang Malaysia jarang berlaku. Kes bunuh
    di Borneon , orang kita tidak bunuh
  • (Encik Sinamin, Kota Kinabatangan taxi stand, Feb
    09).

15
FINDINGS 7 - PLANTATION WORKERS
  • 23 informants
  • 1 in management, 9 mandor (block supervisors), 4
    labourers, 2 office workers
  • 2 carpenters, 1 each of road/infrastructure
    supervisor, livestock worker, security guard,
    security officer, security guard and despatcher.
  • Men 19, Women 4 (3 mandor loose fruit and
    1 office cleaner)
  • Range from 8 months to 25 years of service

16
SABAHAN WORKERS - VIEWS OF MIGRANT CO WORKERS
Can you achieve your work objectives if you dont have migrant co-workers No 13/21
Do you agree that they are all criminals? 9 Disagree 7 Agree 2 ½ agree
Have you personally experienced problems at work with migrant co workers No
Do you have friends who are migrant workers Yes 70 (gitu sahaja)
17
ANALYSIS 1 - A NOTE ON ILLEGALITY
  • In 2005, plantations in Sabah employed 79,549
    foreign nationals 73 of them in the
    Kinabatangan. They are a second factor
    contributing to the sustaining of the informal
    transport industry.
  • In 2005, total no. of foreign workers in Sabah
    102,265 (Dept. of Immigration statistics 2007)
  • In 2008, estimated no. of foreign workers was
    360,00 (Dayag Suria 2008)
  • Working without documentation of documentation
    expired illegal - estimated 130, 000 (close
    to one third could be higher).

18
ANALYSIS 2 NOTE ON ILLEGALITY (CONTD)
  • The border between legality and illegality is
    fluid. Many workers enter the country with valid
    documents, but become illegal when overstaying
    (Wong 2005) or when Immigration rules change
    (Hilsdon 2008).
  • Wong (2005) 46 of migrants sampled in her study
    originlly entered legally.
  • Many enter illegally recruited by licensed
    businesses as staging points for entry into
    Peninsula Malaysia through fake Identity cards.

19
  • Piret tend to Question official treatment of
    migrants.
  • They often have direct experience of the
    immigration industry at road blocks or being
    arrested for transporting migrant workers.
    Runding or duit kupi
  • Tend to question the view that migrants are
    morally suspect, not to be trusted or are
    criminals. They acknowledge that there are some
    bad elements but have had no direct experience as
    such.
  • Plantation workers tend to distinguish between
    migrants who are employed and unemployed. The
    unemployed are the perceived to be trouble
    makers.

20
DISCUSSION 1 WHY CREATE MORAL PANIC?
  • The political and economic context of
    demonisation
  • Federalism Immigration a Federal Issue. Fear
    of Federal agenda
  • suspicion of demographic change in Sabah
  • THE USEFULNESS OF ILLEGALITY
  • 1) Cheap and flexible labour regime
    (Saravanamuttu 2008 )
  • 2) The immigration industry Sabah as
    borderland Eric Tagliacozo (2005) a space
    where opportunities are seized by migrants,
    officials in a creative way (Project I.C.,
    runding and duit kupi)
  • Opportunities exist because
  • Malaysias effort of defining citizenship in
    Sabah (as it is in Sarawak) is problematic
    because many of Sabahs own citizens cannot get
    citizenship (not having the right documents).
  • Many bureaucratic errors e.g. where citizens lose
    citizenship because of wrong documentation.

21
USEFULNESS OF ILLEGALITY (CONTINUED)
  • 4) Documentary citizenship the process through
    which citizenship status is awarded to non
    citizens (Kamal Sadiq 2005). In much of
    political theory documentation has been
    overlooked as an important site for contestation
    and a realm of opportunity for citizens and non
    citizens alike. (Acknowledge WansSha)
  • The political aspirant (illegals a viable
    political platform)? (slide )
  • The political parties the votes (project I.C.
    - Mutalib 1999
  • To Sabahan workers provides a basis for
    identifying themselves as different from the
    Other (quotes)
  • Diana Wong (2005) on Germany A useful framework
    fo analysing nationalism. In this instance,
    nationalism in Sabah is being fashioned out of a
    sense of siege, of being swamped by foreigners
    who are morally not like us.
  • Nationalism and the politicisation of the
    migration issue carefully screens out the complex
    interplay between labour requirements of the
    Sabah plantation and construction sector, and the
    political clutch that migrants provide to many
    political parties through the mobilisation of
    votes at key moments (Mutalib 1999)
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