Transnational identities cities unbound migrations redefined 6th 8th October Krakw , Poland Dr Teres

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Transnational identities cities unbound
migrations redefined6th 8th OctoberKraków ,
Poland Dr Teresa StaniewiczT.Staniewicz_at_warwic
k.ac.ukManager, Centre for Rights, Equality and
Diversity
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A New European Identity is Emerging

• I aim to cover the following themes
• Introduction a new European migrant
• Established Polonian community in the UK
• Social capital formations exemplify new type
• (use of new networks virtual
  communications)
• Examples of A8 migrant experiences
• (quotes London, Midlands, Scotland n.3/)
• Theorising about the new intra-EU migration
• Problems associated with integration
• Closing comments (if time allows)

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A New European Identity

• As a result of an unprecedented conflation of
  events (globalisation, EU expansion), there is
  evidence of the emergence of a new kind of
  migrant. These 21st century migrants are
  developing a new kind of, one might say, European
  identity, one which is neither fixed nor tied to
  place, but one which itself is contextually
  fluidic in nature.
• This paper proposes to outline the nature of some
  of this new migratory modus operandi, by looking
  at A8 Poles, comparing them with already
  established Polonian communities in the UK.

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Polish migration to the UKa short history (i)

• Although it is now considered something of a
  historical discussion when speaking of post WWII
  Polish migrations, it aids typological analyses
  when comparing subsequent migratory waves.
• The largest ever wave of Poles arriving to the UK
  was as a result of WWII. These were mainly in the
  form of exiles, DPs (later re-classified as
  EVWs), and ex-army personnel official figures
  160,000.

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Polish migration to the UKa short history (ii)

• These post-war Poles had no way of returning
  home, as most were from Polands pre-war eastern
  flank. They were stateless. Group patterns
  indicated that
• They were well-educated (34 h/school Dip. 6
  indigenous population males)
• They were predominantly male
• Conditions imposed restricting movement
• Directed to 3 labour market niches for 3 yrs
  coal mining, agriculture, heavy industry
  (textiles), another condition to stay in the UK.

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Migrants Respective OrientationsSocial capital
formations (i)

• Post-WWII Diaspora
• limited geographical movement around UK
• v. specific ideological basis / raison detre
  UK community place
• assimilation was requisite, esp. given British
  post-war race discourse, and the need to fit in

• Post Accession Poles
• unlimited movement throughout the UK
• ties (so far) loose, with no attachment to
  place, space or location
• discourse surrounding integration features as
  less important in the lives of A8 migrants

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Migrants Respective OrientationsSocial capital
formations (ii)

• Post-WWII Diaspora
• social mobility was achieved in the traditional
  way by 2nd generation via success in education
  only elites had more immediate success
• no real sense of self mobilisation as a group

• Post Accession Poles
• there is evidence of social mobility being
  achieved as a benefit of the migratory process.
  Indications are that success is not restricted to
  Favells Eurostars
• evidence of utilising skills (T/Union orgs)

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Respective OrientationsSocial capital formations
(iii)

• Post-WWII Diaspora
• Display some classic features of a diaspora
  community attrition archaic language usage
  inward looking maintaining ideology 2nd 3rd
  Generation have little in common with new
  migrants. Use existing networks.

• Post Accession Poles
• display patterns in both spatial and social
  mobility. Able often to communicate in several
  languages are outward looking interested in
  attracting family friends to UK create
  additional networks (own wave of social and
  virtual ones)

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A8 Migrant Orientations

• A8 migrants appear prepared to be versatile in
  all public and private spaces. They display
  sophisticated rationale-choice explanations for
  choosing UK (self-betterment / new skills/ buy a
  home/car) not all are market-oriented elites
  (Jordan, 2000). Forward looking and highly
  adaptive.
• E.g. when choosing jobs, housing, destination,
  duration of stay even some consider further
  intra-EU movement in felt to be in their benefit.
  These factors indicate the fluidic and flux-like
  nature of this 21st Century migratory wave. Ease
  of movement facilitates this. Use of existing
  networks is supplemented by micro-networks

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A8 Migrant Quotes

• Male, 24, London I have no real idea of where I
  will end up. I only know that I like travelling
  who knows where to I hear that Poles are
  welcomed everywhere.
• Male, 36, Midland I am learning new skills. I
  want to retrain. I already know two languages
  fluently, that gives me more chances in the UK
  now Im working as an interpreter, until I
  qualify.
• Female, 22, Scotland I have made many friends
  here, it is different to London, nicer people ..
  Many opportunities for Poles.

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Classic concepts seem unsuitable for the
following reasons (eg)

• Integration often used in a normative way, to
  imply a one-way process of adaptation. Polity
  often tacitly assumes that it means conformity
  (by newcomers) to a homogenous set of
  monocultural norms values, already in place.
• This along with other concepts (assimilation
  devalues the cultures languages of others.
  Adaptation modifying aspects of cultural
  practice), all problematise the issue, as they
  presume the onus is wholly on the migrant to do
  something in order to fit in. A deconstruction
  of traditional discourse is required to
  reconceptualise and re-map what we mean by the
  integration of new migrants (refugees, asylum
  seekers, etc), how their presence changes us

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Situational experiences of UK A8 migrants (i)

• It is impossible to locate any exploratory
  discussion about new movements, unless within
  them are factored the lived situational
  experiences of (i.e.migrants) in to the evolving
  discourse.
• Lifestyle choices (destination / home / jobs /
  family) - are all contingent upon the conditions
  and determinants of the inclusiveness factor of
  any given society.
• We are now part of a global community, and world
  (or national) events impact on how we interact.
  Fluidity in to some extent relative as is free
  movement.

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Situational experiences of UK A8 migrants (ii)

• The absolute free movement of post-Accession
  migrants was removed at the last minute (and
  contrary to the spirit of the EU), written in to
  the Accession Treaty.
• Cultural differences (Sectarianism hate crimes)
  between existing ethnic groups A8 migrants has
  resulted in a rising level of attacks on Poles (
  other A8 migrants). These lived realities must
  also factor in to any new conceptual framework,
  for alternative concepts to have any validity.
  My respondents have confirmed that these do
  factor into their overall rational-choices

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Points to ponder

• New migrants have many choices but some remain
  identical to these migrants predecessors. These
  factors determined to a certain extent the end
  product of their ethnicity today.
• It is a mistake to presume that all Poles and
  other A8 migrants (plus Bulgarians and Romanians)
  will integrate successfully and without problems.
  The fluidic nature of this wave conceals such
  problems - a new paradigm needs to acknowledge
  them.