Environmental Property Rights - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

About This Presentation
Title:

Environmental Property Rights

Description:

Environmental Property Rights Anderson, T.L. & McChesny Raid or Trade? An Economic Model of Indian-White Relations , Journal of Law and Economics, Vol. 37 (1 ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

Number of Views:64
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 26
Provided by: economics3
Category:

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: Environmental Property Rights


1
Environmental Property Rights
  • Anderson, T.L. McChesny Raid or Trade? An
    Economic Model of Indian-White Relations,
    Journal of Law and Economics, Vol. 37 (1), pp39-74

2
Research Questions
  • This paper explains property rights in America
    from an economic perspective.
  • Examines history of Indian-White relations in the
    USA, in terms of the allocation of resources
    (particularly land).
  • Analogy between the evolution of property rights
    and potential litigants decision to settle or go
    to trial.
  • The paper presents theory and evidence of
    relations evolving over a period of time from
    relative peace (with contracts for property
    rights) to a period of violent conquest.

3
Economic Model of Negotiation versus Taking
  • Evolved from two main strands of literature
  • (a) the choice between contact and violence
    (Umbeck, 1981) . Basically distribution of rights
    are stable if people respect them or as long as
    those who do not agree can be excluded.
  • (b) Settlement-Litigation ModelsDecisions either
    to settle or litigate also provide a useful
    framework of whether or not to go to war. 4
    stages have been identified- harm, assertion of
    claims, bargaining (and maybe settlement) and
    litigation (where no settlement occurs).

4
Economic Model of Negotiation
  • (a) Harm refers to violations of property rights
    of one group by another. European settlers
    claims were traced to charters granted by their
    respective sovereigns (though most grantees were
    more inclined to settle permanently without
    negotiating with Indians), while Indians simply
    regarded whites as trespassers with no rights to
    the land they claimed. Sets up the stage for
    asserting claims

5
Economic Model of Negotiation versus Taking
  • (b) Assertion of claimsTwo things determined
    whether or not Indians asserted claims to the
    land (i) whether there is an expected loss from
    continued trespass - dependent on value of
    resource and the cost of asserting the claim by
    negotiating or fighting (ii) the ability and
    credibility to fight is a requirement for
    asserting a claim. Hence there can be no
    contract if one side can simply take what it
    wants at very little cost.

6
Economic Model of Negotiation versus Taking
  • When both Indian and Whites possess the
    credibility to fight, negotiations take place.

Figure 1
Value in
MBI
MBW
MCW
MCI
0
LAND
L2
L1
L0
LMAX
7
Economic Model of Negotiation
  • Importance of Figure 1 is that there are zones
    delimiting different decisions about asserting a
    claim and these zones depend on each sides MB
    and MC.
  • As long as marginal costs rise and eventually
    exceed the value of land, there will always be
    areas where it is not worth defending (for
    Indians) or taking (for whites). Indians will not
    expend military resources for region 0-L1, while
    whites will not fight beyond L2. However, between
    L1 and L2 controversy will arise it is worth the
    Indians while to defend and the worth the
    whites while to negotiate or take. Hence a
    contract or war will ensue, depending on the
    credible force at the disposal of each.

8
Raid or Trade
  • In the zone of controversy parties chose whether
    to fight or bargain in order to reach a solution.
    The interest of the two parties diverge on how to
    share the surplus but converge with respect to an
    efficient solution.
  • Under certain assumptions (full and accurate
    information?) conflict will always be resolved
    through negotiation since warfare imposes
    deadweight loses. Still perfect information may
    not be necessary to avoid warfare-- Indians may
    simply assert a claim after trespass by whites
    and the dispute can peacefully be negotiated. A
    surplus which can be shared for both claimants
    is necessary for choosing negotiation rather than
    fighting.

9
Raid or Trade
  • For Indians SICFI-GFI-CNIgt0
  • Where SI is surplus from negotiation CFI is
    costs of fightingGFI value of land gained from
    fightingCNI is cost of negotiating a peaceful
    solution
  • Ceteris paribus, as CFI rises, SI rises as GFI
    or CNI rise SI falls.
  • Same situation applies to whites SwCFw-LFw-CNwgt0
  • SSISw gt 0. This is the sufficiency condition
    for negotiation

10
Raid or Trade
  • SSISw lt 0 is the sufficiency condition for
    fighting is the absence of a surplus from
    negotiation.
  • S(CFICFW) -(CNICNW) (GFI-LFW).
  • Letting CFICFW CF and CNICNWCN, if the value
    of disputed territory is the same for whites as
    for Indians i.e. GFILFW, then SCF - CN lt0 is
    the sufficiency condition for fighting.
  • Hence S is the difference CF and CN. If CF is
    always ve and CN is always 0, then the
    sufficient conditions for fighting will never be
    met (Umbeck, 1981)

11
Raid or Trade
  • When uncertainty is introduced into the model,
    the sufficient conditions for fighting may be met
  • Conditions for fighting are mainly (a)
    Information asymmetry, (b) transaction costs, (c)
    collective bargaining and public choice.
  • Information asymmetry includes Indians not
    knowing the efficiency of whites weapons
    (repeating rifles, machine guns etc.).
  • Still negotiation seems to be the rule and
    fighting the exception in empirical literature
    (out of 10 disputes, only 1 eventually goes to
    court)

12
Raid or Trade
  • Transaction costs.
  • Language and customs barriers can be an obstacle
    to negotiations (particularly sophistication with
    English and written contracts). Many Indian
    chiefs did not fully understand the treaties
    they had signed.
  • Property rights impediments. Despite the
    willingness of the immigrants to purchase there
    may well have not been anyone conclusively from
    whom to buy (e.g. nomadic tribes or where more
    than one tribe used the same resources). Hence
    negotiation costs rise.

13
Raid or Trade
  • Collective Action and Public Choice. The analogy
    between litigation and treaties is imprecise.
    While settlement of a contract makes all parties
    better off and litigation leaves them worse off
    the same may not be the same of a treaties and
    warfare.
  • Treaties often create a Prisoners Dilemma
    situation. Even if the total benefit of a treaty
    exceed its costs, certain parties may find it in
    their interests to defect from the agreement.
    There is an agency problem (a monarch may agree
    on behalf of the people without their consent
    something that imposes costs on them. This
    reduces negotiation surplus and increases the
    likelihood of war.

14
Raid or Trade
  • Coalition costs. The cost of negotiating and cost
    war depend on relative costs of required td trade
    or to raid. The costs of negotiation usually
    includes the costs of handful of skilled
    negotiators while the cost of war is borne
    through a much larger number of individuals
    numbering into thousands or millions-- a
    part-time militia or a standing national army.
    The fixed costs of a standing national army (as
    opposed to that of a group of negotiators is very
    large) but lowers the marginal costs thereof such
    the likelihood of war also increases.

15
Raid or Trade
  • Incidence of fighting costs. The decision to go
    to war (or negotiate) is usually made by
    government officials and tribal leaders. Just as
    dispute resolution though the courts is a
    negative sum gain forced onto collective choice
    by an impartial jury, so is war forced onto the
    public by politicians and bureaucrats (including
    military personnel). These usually do not
    individually bear the relevant costs (they
    usually shift the costs, though, onto others and
    in the process undervaluing CF). For top military
    officers (and bureaucrats) also observe that
    warfare increases budgets, potential distinctions
    in battle etc.

16
Empirical Evidence
  • The economic model is corroborated in the early
    period of colonisation.
  • The US government bought land only when the
    Indians were prepared to sell (though the US
    government was a monopsony)
  • Evidence that in the first days (1620s) Indians
    were prepared to accede to whites assertion of
    claims to land. e.g. Apparently the Pemaquid
    tribe gave 12,000 acres to English colonialists.
    In fact, until the Mexican War in 1840s, it was
    not worth the Indians while to stop trespassing
    by whites, reprehensible though some whites
    behaviours may have been.
  • Avoidance of zone of controversy by relocating
    Indians to reservations (initiated by President
    Jackson).

17
Empirical Evidence
  • Trading dominated raiding in the history of
    Indian- whites relations.
  • Most of the trespassing in the late 18th and
    early 19th centuries was to expel white
    intruders.

18
Year Number of battles Number of treaties
1790-99 7 10
1800-09 0 30
1810-19 33 35
1820-29 1 51
1830-39 63 84
1840-49 53 18
1850-59 190 58
1860-69 786 61
1870-79 530 0
1880-89 131 0
1890-97 13 0
19
  • Information Asymmetry
  • Both sides realised the importance of the other
    side possessing accurate information about them
    (whites shipped some Indians back to Europe to
    impress them with extent of white technology,
    population and culture) and frequently peacefully
    demonstrated their technology to impress the
    Indians with pointlessness of war.
  • Information asymmetries increased as the
    frontiers pushed westwards and for several
    reasons. Many tribes were nomadic and, therefore,
    information did not always filter to down to
    them. On the whites front different landscapes
    and climate resulted in different Indian warfare
    tactics and also poor information about who,
    precisely, was hostile.

20
  • Changing technology resulted in Indians being
    unduly optimistic about winning (information
    about new technology being unavailable). Not
    always the case (as Custers troops were to
    discover to their cost). Also the Indians were
    superior horseman.
  • The key was not so much the superiority of one
    sides technology but whether that technological
    changes were unknown or underestimated. In 1867
    at the Wagon Box Fight, the Sioux lost over 1137
    men leading one of their chiefs to infer, from
    the use of new rifles, the use of a supernatural
    power by the immigrants.

21
  • When whites met tribes with well-defined and
    divestible property rights, they tended to trade
    since the costs of negotiation fall.
    Alternatively, they would raid when they met
    those without well-defined rights.
  • As the zone of controversy shifted westwards,
    growing Indian-white violence could be traced to
    agency costs which made negotiated outcomes
    unenforceable (most violations of treaties were
    not by leaders of the US government or of the
    tribes) but by groups who could only be
    controlled at high costs.

22
  • Standing army versus a militia. Throughout the
    19th century, whites substituted full-time
    professional soldiers for local militias, with
    garrisons and forts. This increased the number of
    battles as the incentive to fight (as opposed to
    negotiate) rises with the decline in marginal
    costs of fighting.
  • A standing army meant full-time officers,
    bureaucrats whose careers and budgets could only
    be advanced by fighting
  • The number of battles with Indians rose with the
    size of the standing army. In 1845 the army
    consisted of 8 509 officers and men. In 1846-48
    (the onset of the Mexican War), this rose to 47
    319. By 1860, it had fallen down to 16 000, but
    rose again during the Civil War to 1 million men
    (the Union Army).

23
Years Mean Annual Battles
A 1841-45 2.8
1849-54 8.4
B 1856-60 31.6
1865-69 110.4
  • The means are significantly different at 0.01
  • The means are significantly different at 0.01

24
  • Regression models were used to test the effect of
    the Mexican and Civil Wars on Indian Battles
    (1790-1897).
  • The effect of the Mexican War was a discontinuous
    increase of some 12 battles and that of the Civil
    War some 25 battles per year.
  • The effect of a growing army was also tested and
    was found to have a significant and positive
    impact on the number of battles.

25
Final Conclusion
  • Economic analysis (costs and benefits) helps to
    explain the evolution from negotiation to warfare
    in resolving disputes between Indians and whites,
    rather than glib references to changes in
    ideology.
  • This episode of American history demonstrates the
    importance of property rights. Well-defined and
    divestible property rights are amenable to
    disputes being resolved through negotiation while
    their absence normally leads to warfare.
  • It was only through the substitution of a
    standing army for a local militia that war rather
    than negotiation became cheaper.
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com