Title: Week 9.1 In what ways can we measure the success of devolution
1Week 9.1In what ways can we measure the success
of devolution?
- (1) Recapping on the course, looking for
indicators
2Week 1 The first point to note is that devolution
did not exactly happen in 1999
- Remember the discussion about the UK as a union
state rather than a unitary state from its
inception. - Remember the idea of the Scottish settlement and
the successive incremental means used to address
nationalism. - Secretary of State for Scotland as a figurehead
and representative in Cabinet. - The early Scottish Office as a means of bringing
together a disparate set of quangos and the
Scotch Education Department. - Then it developed much more than expected. It
grew as the state grew. The precedent was set
Scottish solutions/ administrative arrangements
if it could be demonstrated that policy problems
had a clear Scottish element. - Also remember the idea that the 1979 referendum
result produced unfinished business but also a
sense that a Scottish Parliament could have saved
Scotland from the worst aspects of Thatcherism.
This may still be important arguably much of
the Scottish policy difference has involved
opting-out of English initiatives. Think the NHS
internal market, school diversity,
3Week 2.1 The Scottish Political System
- Gives clues to the operation of the Scottish
Executive after devolution. The idea of
qualified autonomy is useful when looking at the
potential for public policy differences - Most likely differences (based on levels of
autonomy) in the areas of education, law reform,
local government where there is already a
different starting point and less potential for
comparison - Scotland going it s own way successfully when the
differences are played down, the issues is
presented as humdrum or the policy is described
as a pilot or UK experiment - Remember the idea of autonomy through neglect as
well as the debate on the practical effect of the
ultimate authority residing elsewhere - Plus Patersons idea of measuring the scope for
Scottish policy on the basis of its relatively
small size and place in the world of independent
states of a similar size - No control over taxation but much more discretion
over public spending, bearing in mind the inertia
involved when money is tied up in existing policy
commitments
4Week 2.2 The New Politics
- MOST SUCCESS
- A proportional electoral system with a strong
likelihood of coalition - Fostering equality in the selection of candidates
and making the Scottish Parliament equally
attractive to men and women - Ensuring that MSPs have enough time for
constituency work (by restricting work in the
Scottish Parliament mainly to 3 days per week) - GIVING POTENTIAL FOR SUCCESS
- A strong role for committees to initiate
legislation, scrutinise the activity of the
executive and conduct inquiries - Fostering closer links between state and civil
society through parliament (e.g. with a focus on
the right to petition parliament and the
committee role in obliging the executive to
consult widely) - UNCERTAIN SUCCESS
- A consensual style of politics with a reduced
role for party conflict - Power sharing rather than executive dominance
- IS THIS RIGHT?
5Week 3.2
- SCC qualified success, uncertain future
- Petitions some agenda setting value
- Interest groups usual suspects discussion and
pre-pre consultation, capacity of groups - Is participatory democracy good/ successful and
representative democracy bad/ unsuccessful?
6Week 4.1 Parties
- One-party dominance problem resolved?
- Success of the small parties?
- More debate, more ideas?
- Is coalition a sign of success?
- Remember the debate on the value of parties and
the value of consensus - A smaller policy space?
7Week 4.2 Scottish Parliament
- Successful delivery of new committee procedures
and powers - Agenda setting and legislating influence of
committees less clear - Evidence (but heavily qualified) of committee
influence in amendments process
8Week 6 - Scottish Government. There are clues
about how to measure success here but be careful!
- More collegial cabinet system?
- Coalition cabinet government
- A smaller central function (FM office, Treasury)
- Civil service a stumble?
- Lack of policy capacity in government?
- Lack of external policy capacity?
- Less of a policy contest (e.g. between
influential think thanks) - Fewer strong personalities in government?
- Reserved/ devolved issues as a constraint?
- Is the use of Sewel motions a sign of failure?
- Consider the argument that the policy cupboard
was bare since in the early devolution years
since so much political effort was expended
looking at the constitutional arrangements and
not the purpose of the powers
9Week 7 Convergence and Divergence
- Consider whether or not policy convergence is a
sign of devolution delivering is divergence
good and convergence bad? - Is policy change good and stability/ inertia bad?
- Is the value of devolution the ability to stay
the same in the face of the constant reform
agenda in England? Or is this a sign of a lack
of innovation/ ideas? - Analysis of legislation suggests only a handful
of divergence acts mental health, free personal
care, tuition fees, PR local government elections - Implementation suggests even less divergences
- But a focus beyond legislation also shows that
change/ divergence can happen more organically - A focus on policy change rather than divergence
also shows that the same policy can have a more
profound effect in Scotland (e.g. housing stock
transfer)
10Week 8 Finance
- What does the maintenance of Barnett say about
devolution success? - Having your cake and eating it? I.e. successful
maintenance of higher spending in Scotland
despite issues of nationalism being addressed? - Does the power of the Treasury undermine the
ability of the Scottish Executive to go its own
way? - Can we only judge the success of devolution in a
period of financial stringency? - Note the topical nature of public service reform
in this context and the now annual debate between
the Scottish Executive and local authorities.
11(2) Future issues has devolution delivered?
- There is also a more topical issue that concerns
delivery how are Scotlands public services
delivering? - How do they compare with England, Wales and
Northern Ireland? - Has devolution produced modernisation/ innovation
in England and stagnation in Scotland, England,
Wales?
12Lagging behind?
- Scotland and Wales have no city academies,
foundation hospitals, school league tables, or
beacon councils. - There are fewer summary measures of institutional
performance and targets appear to work
differently from the way they do in England. - The speed of change is different in
Public-Private Partnerships, university top-up
fees and housing stock transfer.
13Contrasts with previous discussions
- smoking
- free personal care
- higher education
- PR local government
14What is the basis for argument?
- Examination of the performance of public services
and then relating this back to policy. Bear in
mind - The chain of cause and effect is complex, from
the initial identification of different policy
conditions, to differences in policy choices,
introduction and implementation, means of
measuring performance and use of incentives and
targets. - It is therefore difficult to assess differences
in performance and link this to policy when we
are not sure exactly what the differences are,
why they exist and how far these have been
pursued in practice. - Yet this does not stop governments, think tanks
and academics trying! E.g. BMJ on health
152. The advantages England has
- Policy capacity e.g. civil servants
- External policy capacity e.g. interests groups
- Policy competition e.g. a thriving think tank
environment - More policy space
- More committed knowledgeable leaders?
- Government with more experience of policy work