Reframing problem and pathological gambling: the new evidence - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

1 / 26
About This Presentation
Title:

Reframing problem and pathological gambling: the new evidence

Description:

(2) they aren't the locus of the main social problemarising from excessive gambling ... 90% of studies to date used the South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS) ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

Number of Views:41
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 27
Provided by: tri5140
Category:

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: Reframing problem and pathological gambling: the new evidence


1
Re-framing problem and pathological gambling the
new evidence
  • Don Ross
  • U of Cape Town / U of Alabama B'ham
  • don.ross_at_uct.ac.za

2
Aims of the talk
  • Ill describe recent scientific evidence for two
    main claims
  • (1) some people are neurochemically addicted to
    gambling
  • But
  • (2) they arent the locus of the main social
    problemarising from excessive gambling

3
Clinical usage
  • This is derived from a medical model of
    alcoholism going back to the middle of the last
    century
  • Pathological gamblers are the gambling
    equivalent of alcoholics they are either in
    remission or gambling obsession dominates their
    lives.
  • Problem gamblers are the gambling equivalent of
    problem drinkers they alternate between
    episodes of socially acceptable gambling behavior
    and episodes in which they struggle and fail to
    control damage caused by their gambling.

4
Inconsistency of principle
  • Pathological gamblers are conceptualized by
    reference to an hypothesized internal property.
  • Problem gamblers are conceptualized by reference
    to externally indexed harm.

5
Two cheers for inconsistency
  • This turns out to be on the right track as long
    as we correct for a historical practice of
    assigning (far) too many problem gamblers to the
    pathological group.

6
DSM operationalization of Pathological gambling
  • PG is a variety of impulse control disorder in
    which a person manifests a chronic inability to
    refrain from gambling to an extent that causes
    serious disruption to core life aspects such as
    career, health and family. A person is diagnosed
    as a probable pathological gambler if they agree
    with five or more of the following statements

7
  • 1. You have often gambled longer than you had
    planned.
  • 2. You have often gambled until your last dollar
    was gone.
  • 3. Thoughts of gambling have caused you to lose
    sleep.
  • 4. You have used your income or savings to gamble
    while letting bills go unpaid.
  • 5. You have made repeated, unsuccessful attempts
    to stop gambling.
  • 6. You have broken the law or considered breaking
    the law to finance your gambling.
  • 7. You have borrowed money to finance your
    gambling.
  • 8. You have felt depressed or suicidal because of
    your gambling losses.
  • 9. You have been remorseful after gambling.
  • 10. You have gambled to get money to meet your
    financial obligations.

8
Problem gambling
  • Not defined in DSM.
  • But US Committee on the Social and Economic
    Impact of Pathological Gambling defines as
    gambling behavior that results in any harmful
    effects to the gambler, his or her family,
    significant others, friends, co-workers etc.
  • Rendered literally meaningless by use of any
    and lack of quantitative restriction.
  • Then Disordered gambling defined as union of
    Pathological and Problem gambling.

9
Is Problem gambling low-severity Pathological
gambling (PG)?
  • There is no underlying model of PG by which one
    can define a common scale for quantifying the two
    phenomena together and the inconsistency makes
    this a fools errand anyway..
  • Not all statements in the DSM operationalization
    are equally weighted clinically (5), (6), and
    (10) are more strongly diagnostic and (8) is
    highly statistically predictive.

10
Problems with clinical screens as research
instruments
  • Screens are designed to avoid false negative
    identifications thus they are biased (heavily)
    toward false positives.
  • Research is forced to frequently rely on clinical
    samples. But there are ethical objections, based
    on interference with treatment, in using
    different instruments to re-classify clinical
    populations. Instead, we refine the screen
    classifications using structured clinical
    interviews based on DSM operationalizations. But
    these are impractical for use in most studies
    unless samples are small.

11
PG screens
  • 90 of studies to date used the South Oaks
    Gambling Screen (SOGS). We now believe that this
    resulted in overestimating prevalence by about
    100.
  • More sophisticated screens have been used in
    superior prevalence studies over the past 2
    years. This suggests typical prevalence rates
    (UK, US, NZ, pilot data from SA) as follows
    4-5 experience transient gambling problems
    0.5-0.7 are true PGs. Just a few years ago,
    some scientists were estimating the US prevalence
    of PG at 7! The media continues to use this
    figure.

12
Severity measures
  • Only one screen, the Canadian Problem Gambling
    Index (CPGI), tries to measure severity. Given
    the inconsistency, were going to need different
    such measures for pathological and problem
    gambling.

13
Comorbidities
  • One clear predictor of PG severity that has
    broken through the data and analysis problems is
    other Axis-I comorbidity. This raises further
    questions about the underlying model. Is PG an
    expression of other comorbidities, or are
    multiple Axis-I problems consequences of a common
    causal factor (or factors)?

14
The sample problem
  • It is hard to resolve these issues by running
    surveys. The basic problem is the very low
    prevalence of PG, which interferes with efforts
    to estimates shapes of distributions and to
    obtain balanced samples. This blocks use of
    econometric regression techniques. So
    correlations pile up while causal models remain
    elusive.

15
Progress nevertheless
  • Two approaches are coming to the rescue where the
    true addicts are concerned
  • Neuroscience based on imaging studies
  • Molecular genetics

16
Neuroscience of addiction
  • Thanks to fMRI work, a neuroeconomic model of
    addiction is coming together. The mesolimbic
    dopamine reward system gains control of the
    organisms molar behavior by chemically
    attenuating feedback serotonin (and other)
    circuits from frontal and prefrontal cortex that
    normally bid for attention to, and for scheduling
    consumption of, longer-range sources of reward.
    The reward system achieves this mutiny by
    exploiting the discovery that, through
    relentlessly searching for cues to the arrival of
    an addictive target, and then organizing
    consumption of that target, it can reliably
    produce floods of dopamine in striatum that
    constitute the reward it is itself evolved to
    maximize and which simultaneously overwhelms the
    functioning of normally rival circuits.

17
The brains of PGs
  • People who report greatest behavioral disturbance
    with respect to gambling closely resemble drug
    addicts in having hyperactive striatal dopamine
    responses in the presence of cues for gambling
    (drugs), including their own fantasizing about
    gambling (drugs), and hypoactive opponent
    neurotransmitter responses.

18
A conceptual proposal
  • In the book Midbrain Mutiny (2008), Ross et al
    (2008) marshal evidence for the suggestion that
    it would be best for both research and treatment
    to identify PG with neurochemical addiction to
    gambling. The present DSM operationalization
    fails to cut nature at a joint, as philosophers
    like to say.

19
An heritable component?
  • Based on examination of 3359 twin pairs, Eisen et
    al (1998) conclude that inherited factors explain
    between 35 and 54 of reports of five DSM
    symptoms that could be estimated statistically,
    56 of the report of three or more symptoms, and
    62 of diagnoses. Potenza et al (2005) find a
    matched genetic contribution with near-perfect
    overlap to pathological gambling and major
    depression, while Slutske et al (2000) report
    common genetic vulnerability to pathological
    gambling and alcohol dependence in male subjects.

20
Genetics
  • Seven association studies by Ibáñez et al (2003)
    separating evidence between conceptions of
    pathological gambling as an obsessive-compulsive
    disorder the category in which DSM places
    pathological gambling but not drug addiction
    and the family of dopaminergic pathologies that
    clearly include the classic addictions.
  • (Implicated genetic structures Promoter
    polymorphism sequence for expression of MOA-A
    protein DRD4 7-repeat allele Taq-A1 allele of
    the D2 dopamine receptor gene. All of these are
    associated with dopamine, or with the
    dopamine-serotonin interaction.)

21
Conclusion I what the PGs need is to be fixed
  • We should reconceptualize the phenomenon
    operationalized as PG in DSM-IV as a specific
    manifestation of disruption in frontal-cortical
    governance of the mesolimbic dopamine system. PG
    so conceptualized facilitates construction of
    testable models, predicts the observed dramatic
    fall-off in natural remission at the extreme end
    of CPGI scores, and shows evidence of gathering
    patients into a class that responds similarly to
    drug therapies.

22
Conclusion II for problem gamblers, focus on the
transience
  • The crucial fact about most problem gamblers is
    that they recurrently stop and start. I thus
    doubt that their typical main problem is
    misunderstanding of the house advantage if it
    were, why would they regularly make (successful)
    efforts to quit?

23
Other forms of transient self-undermining are a
clue
  • Why do some people go through recurrent episodes
    in which they drink too much?
  • Here are the leading reasons, in order (1) they
    suffer relationship break-ups (2) they suffer
    major employment / career setbacks (3) they come
    to feel oppressed by the rules other
    peoples, and/or their own.

24
How do most transient problem drinkers get out of
the problem zone?
  • Answer on their own or with their partner, they
    decide to drink less and then they follow through
    on their decision.

25
What do we most need to know about this
population?
  • (1) How long are typical remission periods is
    there a standard pattern? Are there any data that
    would tend to predict such patterns?
  • (2) How many of these people want outside help?
    What are the policy implications if this turns
    out to be a low number?

26
The NRGP / NCSG team
  • David Spurrett, University of KwaZulu-Natal
  • Harold Kincaid, University of Alabama at
    Birmingham
  • Graham Barr, University of Cape Town
  • Carla Sharp, Baylor College of Medicine (Houston)
  • Martine Visser, University of Cape Town
  • Rudy Vuchinich, University of Alabama at
    Birmingham
  • Robert Ladouceur, Laval University
  • George Ainslie, Veterans Medical Centre,
    Coatesville PA
  • Jacques Rousseau, University of Cape Town
  • Andre Hofmeyr, University of Cape Town
  • Andrew Dellis, University of KwaZulu-Natal
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com