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Benefits of Developing Countries Access to the Scientific Public Domain:

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Title: Benefits of Developing Countries Access to the Scientific Public Domain:


1
Benefits of Developing Countries Access to the
Scientific Public Domain
  • Clemente Forero-Pineda
  • Universidad de los Andes, Universidad del Rosario
  • Abelardo Duarte-Rey
  • Universidad de los Andes
  • Bogota, Colombia

2
The D0 Collaboration (Fermilab)
  • Countries participating in D0
  • Argentina
  • Brazil
  • China
  • Colombia
  • Tchecoeslovaquia
  • Ecuador
  • France
  • Germany
  • India
  • Mexico
  • Netherlands
  • Russia
  • United Kingdom
  • United States
  • Among achievements
  • Discovered the top quark
  • Since 1991
  • The cost of basic journals necessary to
    participate in collaboration
  • US 50.000
  • Research groups in countries checked would not be
    able to incur this cost.
  • They are able to be in D0, thru the public domain
    Internet site xxx.lanl.gov (Los Alamos), where
    all particle physicists pre-publish their papers.

3
Example 2 Papiloma Virus uterus cancer
  • Achievement proved relationship between virus of
    papiloma and uterus cancer.
  • Benin Mali Algeria Thailand Brazil Panama Canada
    France Tanzania Guinea Bissau Philipines Spain
    Bolivia Indonesia Germany Colombia Argentina
    Paraguay Cuba Chile Uganda Poland Australia Spain
    USA England .
  • Institutions in industrialized countries assumed
    responsibility for all information within the
    project.

4
Example 3 Alzheimer gene
  • Achievement discovered that gene mutation
    predicts Alzheimer.
  • Colombia (8 researchers), USA (5), Japan(2).
  • Had access to books and articles through their
    peers, but not to databases, because of
    restrictions.

5
Networking, cooperation and the value of
information 1(important, because access to info
is critical for participation)
  • Putting information into the hands of a more
    diverse population of researchers (David and
    Foray 1995)
  • cooperation in research processes where partial
    results add-up towards a common scientific
    goal.
  • wider set of peers capable of reviewing
    publications or validating experiments in diverse
    environments.
  • potential of questioning theory and paradigms
    from the vantage point of more diverse
    experimentation environments.
  • Research about research some projects demand
    large number of cases and diversity of
    environments for meta-analysis. Despite
    controversy, evidence-based medicine (Oxman et
    al. 1993) is one example.

6
Networking, cooperation and the value of
information 2
  • Sharing funding and execution of big-science
    projects, especially when these projects need
    locations in different geographical scenarios
  • global warming,
  • Antarctica,
  • particle capturing at equatorial latitude.
  • Adressing a wider range of problems, not among
    priorities of developed countries.
  • Malaria illustrates that priorities of larger
    scientific communities (and expenditures of
    financing agencies) may be skewed against the
    solution of problems of tropical countries.
  • This bias may be offset by financial and
    scientific efforts from developing countries.

7
Two sides of the economic analysis of a
regulation of intellectual property
  • The Distribution of Benefits
  • The Size of Overall Benefits

We will compare intellectual property (monopoly
for the commercial exploitation) with public
domain institutions to regulate exchange of
information useful in research.
8
Size and distribution of benefits
  • Benefits
  • Costs

Spill
UserBm
Profitsm
Subsidy
Projects ranked by unit-benefits
9
Under Public Domain
  • Public financing of production of information is
    necessary (Governments, donations or community
    resources).
  • When social benefits are considerably larger than
    private benefits, public domain is worthwhile
    (characteristic of information goods).
  • Under a regime of public domain, users of
    information take all the benefits. Under IPR,
    benefits are shared between producer and user of
    information.

10
Besides, there are transaction costs
  • Under monopoly (IPR), the social costs of running
    a protection system (justice).
  • Under public domain, the costs of giving
    incentives to producers of that information.
  • Other benefits of public domain
  • As research is risky, if scientists have to pay
    for the information, they are prone not to buy
    it. Valuing information and deciding whether to
    buy it or not is difficult, because he does not
    know its true value. This reduces research below
    the social optimum.
  • Under public domain, there is no economic risk
    for the scientist associated with the access to
    information.
  • When social benefits are larger than private
    benefits, the signals emitted by the price system
    are not reliable.

11
An extreme case of the public domain cheap-talk
  • In the analyses of Silicon Valley, it was
    observed that companies encouraged their
    employees to share secrets with competition.
  • Even in industry, opening access to databases is
    common practice
  • Celera/Berkeley Drosophila Genome Project (used
    to validate gene sequencing methods Maurer
    2002).
  • Ensembl database.
  • Mercks strategy against short-snippet
    patenting of human genetic code by too many small
    firms. Made public database
  • Sometimes, firms publish in journals. (Coffman et
    al.).
  • In all these cases, beyond a social value of the
    public domain, a private value to the producer of
    databases is detected. (The owner of the
    information can appropriate the benefits from the
    access of others to this information).

12
Institutional analysis
  • Often, the economic optimum is not attainable,
    and participants do not have incentives to
    cooperate in sharing the information, though
    social benefits of cooperation are large. (Many
    examples have been given in this workshop).
  • Perhaps there is a cultural element, but
    institutional and incentive reasons ought to be
    addressed.
  • In most cases, there are no individual incentives
    for sharing data (e.g., absence of data journals).

13
Institutional obstacles for sharing data
  • Two reward systems coexist side-by-side
    (Dasgupta, David)
  • the reward system of science, where the rule of
    priority is central.
  • The market system, where profit is the reward.
  • The neighborhood of the market (the potential for
    commercializing knowledge) is in part responsible
    for mistrust in scientific exchange.
  • This neighborhood is increasingly closer.
  • International exchanges of information are
    particularly prone to the failure to create
    scientific commons.
  • No enforcement authority for the international
    exchange of information exists in general.
  • As a consequence

14
Data-release strategies in science
  • The suspicion that agreements will not be
    honoured is harmful.
  • When the science commons fail, because of a
    lack of incentives, scientists develop strategies
    for the partial disclosure of data.
  • Strategies to dosify or sequence the
    disclosure of information are used.
  • Planned obsolescence of data is practised.
  • Conditioned and limited use of information.
  • Scientists producing information become eager to
    learn about these strategies.
  • Social benefits of the creation of knowledge
    decrease.
  • Developing countries are particularly affected.

15
Size and distribution of benefits
  • Benefits
  • Costs

Spill
UserBm
Profitsm
Projects ranked by unit-benefits
16
International agreements
  • Biodiversity is an area where all these problems
    show.
  • Some countries are net providers of biodiversity
    information, others are net users. Two ways
    around
  • Information-exchange negotiations across
    different areas.
  • Collaboration projects.
  • The commercial value of one countrys
    biodiversity depends on the bio-diversity
    agreements of its neighbours.
  • As a consequence of these science-commons
    failures, very few biodiversity or ethnic
    knowledge agreeements have become operative.

17
Conclusion
  • Not all failures to exchange information can be
    blamed on the culture of scientists.
  • These are by enlarge originated in
  • Formal and informal scientific institutions.
  • The close neighborhood of the market.
  • The lack of incentives to share or publish data.
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