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Clearing the Decks Or Twelve Unpopular Theses on Development

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Title: Clearing the Decks Or Twelve Unpopular Theses on Development


1
Clearing the Decks OrTwelve Unpopular Theses
on Development
  • A Reconsideration of Some Fundamental Conceptual
    Issues in Development Economics
  • Prof Fred Nixson

2
1. What is Economic Development?
  • Process through which economies, societies and
    peoples are transformed
  • uneven, dialectical and contingent on time and
    place
  • best viewed as
  • an historical process of
  • both
  • quantitative and qualitative change
  • the historical analytic and policy prescriptive

3
  • Recognition that development is not a uni-linear
    process of change or progress is important
  • Why?
  • it undermines utopian and highly idealised
    normative notions of development
  • In reality, processes of growth and change are
  • difficult, painful and destructive
  • while
  • at the same time raising productivity and
    incomes, creating new livelihoods and lifestyles
    and transferring and creating knowledge.
  • Need to re-introduce the notion of development as
    a dialectical process.
  • Both Schumpeter and Marx are important
  • Allows us to raise issues of poverty and
    inequality in the developed capitalist economies.

4
2. Accumulation, Growth and Development
  • K. Acc physical, human and knowledge at the
    heart of the development process
  • emphasised by classical economists, including
    Lewis.
  • S and I are logically separate
  • Savings have to be translated into productive
    investment but this will not happen
    automatically.
  • Other necessary conditions must be present
  • entrepreneurship (Metcalfe)
  • Market economy a euphemism for a K-ist economy
  • but
  • there are different types of capitalism.
  • Production must logically precede exchange
    (Sawyer).
  • There must be a shift from mercantilist
    extraction to capitalist production.

5
  • Galbraith (2004, p.6).
  • For this reason and because the term
    capitalism evokes a sometimes sour history, the
    name is in decline. In the reputable expression
    of economists, business spokesmen, careful
    political orators and some journalists, it is now
    the Martket System. The word Capitalism is
    still heard but not often from acute and
    articulate defenders of the system.
  • A capitalist economy requires capitalist
    entrepreneurs and enterprises
  • and
  • a developmental state that supports and
    encourages the strengthening of capitalist
    enterprises.
  • The state and the private sector should not be in
    competition with one another.
  • Taking us back to early key debates in
    development economics
  • eg Neo-marxist and dependency challenges to
    classical marxism, and the work of Baran,
    Gunder Frank, Amin, Warren, etc.

6
3. Development and the Nation State
  • Nation state must remain our unit of analysis.
  • Economic development
  • only understood in context of individual national
    economy
  • the arena within which social classes are formed
    and fight out their conflicts (Roxburgh, 1979).
  • The international economy
  • the aggregation of national economies that are to
    a greater or lesser extent integrated with one
    another through
  • trade, capital flows, technology flows, military
    alliances, etc.
  • There is no such thing as international
    development although it is a useful umbrella
    term
  • similar to development studies

7
  • The Global economy is neither
  • a perfectly integrated system
  • nor
  • a loose collection of autonomously functioning
    national economies.
  • Globalisation blurs or erodes the boundaries
    between the global and the national economy
  • through trade liberalisation, capital account
    liberalisation, direct foreign investment flows,
    privatisation, etc.
  • This paradoxically enhances the importance of the
    nation state
  • is responsible for the precise manner in which
    the national economy is integrated into the
    global economy.
  • It is strategic integration (UNCTAD, 1997) not
    openness per se that matters.

8
  • But of course countries/economies do nothing.
  • It is governments, enterprises and individuals
    that do things with other governments,
    enterprises and individuals in other countries.
  • It is especially important to recognise this when
    discussing trade issues.
  • No one denies the vulnerable and weak position of
    LDCs in the global economy,
  • nor
  • their historical origins in colonialism and
    imperialism.
  • Their integration into the global economy in many
    cases weakens their policy autonomy.

9
  • But global factors are mediated by internal
    structures
  • (economic, social, institutional, the state)
  • and their impact on the development process
    varies over time and across countries.
  • Many developmental outcomes are possible
  • they emerge as the result of the interaction
    between global and internal factors.
  • In some cases, development is done to
    countries (Caribbean islands that depend on
    tourism) but these are special cases.

10
  • Quote from Nixson, 2006, p.975.
  • The fundamental problem faced by poor
    countries, preventing sustained accumulation,
    growth and structural change, relates to their
    internal class structures, the high levels of
    inequalities in these economies and the nature of
    the regimes that hold economic and political
    power and the state structures that they create.
    The latter are, of course, in part the results of
    the ways in which these economies were
    incorporated into the global economy via
    colonialism, and post independence developments
    in these economies and continuing changes in the
    (highly unequal) global economy which further
    weakens the possibilities for even relatively
    autonomous development strategies
  • Globalisation in its present forms is neither
    inevitable nor irreversible the global economy
    is highly unstable and powerful economies will
    always break the rules when it is in their
    interests to do so!

11
4. The Myth of the Two Sectors
  • Galbraith, 2004, pp.30-32.
  • The accepted distinction between the public and
    private sectors has no meaning when seriously
    viewed. Rhetoric, not reality. A large, vital and
    expanding part of what is called the public
    sector is for all practical effect in the private
    sector.
  • The public and private sectors are not separable
  • except in an accounting sense.
  • Government does not exist in a vacuum.
  • It reflects dominant economic and political
    interests and rarely achieves the relative
    autonomy of the development state.
  • Most LDCs do not have the modern bureaucratic
    state that capitalism demands (Weber Evans,
    1995).
  • Politicians and civil servants, (or their
    relations) are also owners of enterprises, large
    landowners, active in the legal and medical
    professions, consultants for foreign companies,
    etc.
  • The army often plays a key role in economic life
    (Pakistan, Vietnam).

12
  • Governments make mistakes
  • but generally their actions/policies are
    rational with respect to the objectives they seek
    to achieve
  • (but which may not be consistent with some
    normative notion of development).
  • ISI provides a good e.g.
  • We get nowhere by arguing that
  • governments can kill growth (Easterly, 2001)
  • or
  • The Rich Have Markets, the Poor Have
    Bureaucrats (Easterly, 2006, Chapter 5).
  • These are ideological slogans, not analysis.

13
  • Contemporary literature tends to
  • substitute the rather vague and often
    contradictory notion of governance
  • for
  • a proper discussion of the Role of the State.
  • Governance is NOT
  • the same as developmental state policies aimed
    at achieving concrete objectives.
  • Good governance not an issue in 19th and early
    20th century development in Europe and North
    America.
  • Neither were property rights respected
  • private property is not sacrosanct even in the
    USA
  • We need a proper understanding of history

14
5. Poverty and Inequality
  • Poverty alleviation has always been a key
    component of development (Seers, 1972).
  • But poverty alleviation is not the same as
    development
  • the latter includes a wider range of objectives
    (eg MDGs)
  • Focus on poverty is also a focus on absolute
    poverty (extreme poverty) rather than relative
    poverty
  • and
  • this is convenient for a number of reasons
  • a global figure which can be reduced by rapid
    economic growth
  • China (perhaps also India)
  • WB recently announced global poverty had below 1
    bn.
  • but again what is global poverty other than the
    summation of national poverty estimates?.
  • Collier (2007) writes about the bottom billion
    who are concentrated in 58 countries with no hint
    of recognising inequalities within those
    countries

15
  • More importantly
  • concept of absolute poverty diverts attention
    from inequality
  • (concepts of relative poverty).
  • Inequality is a political hot potato
  • both bilateral and multilateral agencies avoid
    discussing it
  • avoided in most (North American) academic
    discourse
  • WDR 2006 has devoted space to inequality
  • but some notions of pro-poor growth contradict
    concern with inequality.
  • Although conceptually separate, notions of
    poverty cannot sensibly be divorced from
    inequality and rising inequality, both within and
    between countries, should be the focus of
    attention.

16
6. Why Modernisation?
  • Concepts of failed or fragile states are not
    useful
  • No explanation as to why they are in this state.
  • In part it is the failure to sustain growth,
    structural change and development thats the core
    of the problem.
  • Most LDCs are not able to guarantee security,
    safety (especially to women and children),
    above-minimum sustenance and adequate amounts of
    education and health care.

17
  • This is a failure of development. Becoming
    Modern is discredited (as should be Colliers
    (2007, p.3) assertion that their bottom
    billion is the fourteenth century).
  • What is wrong with Inghams (1995, Chapter 2)
    discussion of modernisation?
  • In economic terms, it implies industrialization
    and urbanization and the technological
    transformation of agriculture. Socially, it
    involves the weakening of traditional ties, and
    the rise of achievement as the basis for personal
    advancement. Its political dimension is in the
    rationalization of authority and the growth of
    the bureaucracy. Culturally, modernization is
    represented by increased secularization of
    society arising from the growth of scientific
    knowledge

18
  • Thank you for your kind attention!
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