Constraint Interaction II: OT

1
Constraint Interaction II OT

• Strict domination
• Grammars cant count

• Stress is on the initial heavy syllable iff the
  number of light syllables n obeys

No way
2
Constraint Interaction II OT

• Constraint interaction Strict domination
• Constraints are universal
• Human grammars differ only in how these
  constraints are ranked
• factorial typology
• NOCODA, ONSET, ? syllable typology
• First true contender for a formal theory of
  cross-linguistic typology

3
Optimality Theory

• Applied to many linguistic phenomena
• Phonology (Prince Smolensky 93/ 02, Boersma
  98, Kager 99, McCarthy 02, )
• Syntax (Legendre, Vikner Grimshaw 01 Ackema,
  Aissen, Bresnan,, )
• Semantics/Pragmatics (Hendriks, de Hoop de
  Swart 00, Blutner, Zeevat, )
• Learning (Tesar Smolensky 00, Boersma, Prince
  Fikkert, Levelt, )
• http//rutgers.roa.edu

4
OTs Faithfulness / Markedness Dialectic

• cat /kat/ ? kæt NOCODA why?
• FAITHFULNESS requires identity
• MARKEDNESS often opposes it
• Markedness-Faithfulness dialectic ? diversity
• English FAITH NOCODA
• Polynesian NOCODA FAITH (French)
• Learning?
• Another markedness constraint M
• Nasal Place Agreement Assimilation (NPA)
• mb ? nb, ?b nd ? md, ?d ?g ? ?b,
  ?d
• labial coronal
  velar

5
OT from Markedness Theory

• MARKEDNESS constraints a No a
• FAITHFULNESS constraints
• Fa demands that /input/ ? output leave a
  unchanged (McCarthy Prince 95)
• Fa controls when a is avoided (and how)
• Interaction of violable constraints Ranking
• a is avoided when a Fa
• a is tolerated when Fa a
• M1 M2 combines multiple markedness dimensions

6
OT from Markedness Theory

• MARKEDNESS constraints a
• FAITHFULNESS constraints Fa
• Interaction of violable constraints Ranking
• a is avoided when a Fa
• a is tolerated when Fa a
• M1 M2 combines multiple markedness dimensions
• Typology All cross-linguistic variation results
  from differences in ranking in how the
  dialectic is resolved (and in how multiple
  markedness dimensions are combined)