The Orange Order and 'No' Unionism since 1998

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AND A CHANGING ULSTER, 1969-2007
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• A community in the position of having what it
  wants (Unionists)
• Defending against a community trying to change
  the status quo (Nationalists)
• This dynamic has been at work since 1798,
  overlaid upon covenantal ethnic identity of 17th
  c
• The Orange Order is a prime custodian of the
  defensive 'No' tradition
• Reflects the nature of Ulster Protestant
  covenantal "nationalism", as with Israeli
  (Roshwald 2006)

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(No Transcript)
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Orange Loyalists and Orange Rebels

• Orangeism, UUP, Church of Ireland (now includes
  all mainline churches) mainstream "loyal
  Unionist" institutions
• But a rebel strand ( as well as a 'civic
  Unionist' one) also runs through these
  institutions
• Orangeism a tussle between 'loyal' and 'rebel'
  traditions and their alternative usable pasts

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Conservative but not Militant

• The loyal impulse say 'No', but do so within the
  established law and institutions
• Orange 'Loyal' tradition most conservative on
  Constitution and concessions but anti-militant
• Paisley and paramilitary traditions more
  flexible/original on Constitution more militant

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Rebel 'Yes' Unionism

• Lindsay Crawford (IOO first GM) accepts Home
  Rule
• Ian Paisley own Irishness, would consider
  United Ireland if reformed (Nov 1971)
• Bill Craig voluntary coalition, Irish dimension
  (treaty relationship), 1975
• New Ulster Political Research Group, "Common
  Sense" power sharing, also Ulster independence,
  UDA-linked, 1978-80s
• Peter Robinson An End to Drift (1987)- power
  sharing
• Ian Paisley does a deal with Sinn Fein to
  relaunch institutions (2006-7)
• Why? Anti-establishment, Ulster indepentist,
  left-wing, less tradition-bound

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Orange 'No' Unionism

• Orange Loyal Unionism was the driving force
  behind anti-reformist sentiment (i.e. 1969-74,
  1986, 1998)
• Paisley and paramilitaries played auxiliary role.
  Ulster would have said 'no' without them
• The Order consistently opposed the more erratic
  (often progressive) Unionism of the
  paramilitaries and DUP

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Orangeism and the Agreement (1998)

• GFA signed 10 April, referendum to be held 23 May
• GFA discussed at Grand Lodge, 15 April
• 10 speak against the Agreement, 5 in support
  (including David McNarry, who tried to invoke
  Trimble's toughness as a guarantee)
• Delegates express amazement at Trimble 'was
  David Trimble out of his mind?.....'

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At Grand Lodge, Molyneaux ...stated that he had
no axe to grind (presumably against Trimble),
but that he and Martin Smyth were totally
opposed to the Agreement. Furthermore, Molyneaux
wanted action to disarm the mechanism of the
GFA and sought Orange backing to put the
government under pressure not to proceed. He
pointed out that the Order could not wait five
weeks but had to act in the first two weeks when
Trimble was vulnerable.
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Martin Smyth told his audience that he was
'shellshocked by the Agreement, and had been
assured before he left (presumably referring to
the Unionist party headquarters) that nothing
would be decided. Citing Sunningdale, he
cautioned that there would be no democracy
under the GFA, that the Unionist people were
being led like a lamb to the slaughter, and
that he would argue against the GFA at the next
UUC meeting. He urged the Order to get its people
out to the polls to vote as we want them to
vote.
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Molyneaux now put a resolution in front of the
100-odd assembled delegates The Grand
Orange Lodge of Ireland takes note of the
acceptance by the participants to the talks
process of the document of 10th April 1998 but
failing clarification of certain vital issues
cannot recommend it to the people of Ulster.
This statement was endorsed by 7610, with 1
abstention
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'The Agreementis prisoner-driven'said Dennis
Watson, and was unacceptable from a
moral/christian viewpoint. Blair took a
different view, however, and argued that we
have to accept that, but judgements have to be
made. It the GFA will do more to preserve life
and bring justice to people. Blair tried to
express sympathy for the Orangemens feelings by
offering that emotionally most people find this
forgiving violent offenders most difficult.
Attacks on halls must also be a problem for you.'
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The Orange Role in Bringing Down the GFA

• Focused upon Trimble, and, later, the UUP
• Smyth leadership challenge (2000)
• No-Confidence motions in Trimble's leadership.
  Antrim 1999 Grand Lodge 2004
• Sponsor of challenges to Trimble in UUC

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Frustrating UUP party reforms

• UUP attempts at reform. Party president
  Cunningham urges tighter discipline and
  efficiency
• Orange Refusal to pay new 100 delegate fee
• Difficulty arranging date to meet UUP executive
  to discuss reform
• David Brewster recommends dragging out appeal
  procedure re fees 'for as long as possible' and
  ensure Orange delegates vote against reforms

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I deeply regret that for the last two years,
since Joe Cunninghams death, we have been bogged
down in a continually frustrating set of
discussions with the Orange Order. We have gone
round in circles and eventually ended up back at
square one, the Order not being prepared to
accept the need for change. Your Rules Committee
will now decide . . . whether to allow this
roadblock to stymie many of the other changes we
want to implement. I am convinced that this party
should not allow one particular interest group to
prevent progress. But I have to face the reality
that the Orders opposition would make it
unlikely that we can obtain the necessary
two-thirds majority . . . do we go for the
radical and complete set of new rules favoured by
Joe Cunningham? Or do we go for a hot patch of
compromise changes, which leaves the need to
modernise the linkage with affiliated bodies to
another day?
- James Cooper, UUP Chairman, 19 Oct 2002
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Breaking the Link

• Considerable switch of allegiance at Grand Lodge
  level to DUP in the period 2001-2005 (Weir,
  Watson, McCausland)
• Orange vote is as much if not more DUP than
  Unionist average
• Order sees itself as a bridge between DUP and UUP
  'antis'. Natural home for anti-GFA UUP men
  (Smyth, Nelson, Brewster)
• Rapprochement with Free Presbyterianism (1998)
  56-38 vote IOO (2003) Paisley
• Breaking of Link 82-16 vote in 2005

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St. Andrews and Beyond

• Striking Grand Lodge silence on St. Andrews
  Paisley-Adams concordat
• Natural role would be to reflect the considerable
  disquiet and shock of 'principled No' Unionists
• Criticism muted by the fact that 'No' Unionism is
  in disarray as a result of DUP's capture of the
  conservative Unionist vote
• Order's first concern is parading, constitutional
  issues a close second

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• Waiting to see what happens on parading (review
  of PC possible 'deal' on Drumcree)
• If no deal on parading (as seems likely), then
  what?
• Chuminess with SF will not play well. Conflictual
  image will
• Honeymoon for DUP will only last as long as they
  remain sufficiently obstructionist and defensive
  of Unionist interest
• Constitutional or policy concessions to
  Nationalism without movement on parading will
  lead to strong Orange criticism
• The Order will help to reshape the DUP along the
  lines of traditional loyal Unionism, taming its
  radical and independent side
• Thus Orange will help to stiffen sentiment
  against any 'normalisation' of politics and
  relaxation of the ethnic cleavage
• Portends lack of Unionist-Nationalist agreement
  in contentious policy areas (i.e. strand 3), and
  continued sectarian haggling over the spoils
  handed over by HM Treasury

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AND 'NO' UNIONISM SINCE 1998