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Young people, social exclusion

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Title: Young people, social exclusion


1
Young people, social exclusion bereavement
  • Tracy Shildrick Robert MacDonald,
  • Youth Research Group
  • University of Teesside, UK
  • T.Shildrick_at_tees.ac.uk

2
Aims overview
  • The Teesside studies aims, site, methods
  • Understanding extended youth transitions social
    exclusion brief overview
  • Narratives of morbidity and mortality the
    spatial concentration of health inequalities.
  • Critical moments, biography and transition the
    significance of health through two cameos (Micky
    Martin)
  • Summary conclusions - the unpredictable
    consequences of ill health/bereavement on youth
    transitions

3
Three Teesside studies
  • Situated in some of the poorest neighbourhoods in
    one of the poorest towns in England
  • Qualitative studies of youth transitions social
    exclusion
  • Biographical interviews (some repeat) with c. 200
    white, working-class, young adults aged 15-25,
    then 23-30 years
  • Participant observation stake-holder
    interviews
  • Critically exploring influential academic
    policy analysis of the underclass, social
    exclusion transitions

4
Three Teesside studies
  • Snakes Ladders young people, transitions and
    social exclusion
  • (2000, Johnston et al) (JRF)
  • Disconnected Youth? Growing up in Britains poor
    neighbourhoods
  • (2005, MacDonald and Marsh) (ESRC)
  • 3. Poor Transitions young adults and social
    exclusion
  • (2004, Webster et al) (JRF)

5
Poor Transitions (Webster et al, 2004)
  • Follow-up study, 34 people drawn from the above
    studies and now aged 23-29 years, particular
    focus on what happened to those people with
  • Commitment to employment, education, training but
    enduring economic marginality
  • Long-term, serious criminal/ drug-using careers
  • Main responsibilities for parenting (i.e. young
    mothers)
  • Overall interest in where diverse but
    economically marginal earlier transitions led
    young adults in their twenties

6
Health transitions?
  • Health related behaviours are rarely considered
    as key strands influencing transitions through
    education, training and employment, household
    formation or transitions to independent living.
    Whilst for decades academics have drawn attention
    to the social inequalities of health,
    comparatively little attention has been given to
    the way in which health is a factor mediating
    inequalities of opportunity in education,
    employment and patterns of leaving home.
  • (Bob Coles, Joined up Youth Research, Policy and
    Practice, 2000 178)

7
Four theoretical/ research domains (in progress)
  • Health inequalities by social class place
    their impacts on youth
  • The apparent equalisation of health
    inequalities in youth (West et al)
  • Life course transitions biographical
    disruption
  • Risk, resilience and getting by in adversity

8
Narratives of Morbidity
  • Strong association between class place health
    (Black 1980, Acheson 1998, etc).
  • Health issues not prefigured in our research
    questions
  • But narratives of personal and family ill-health
    very frequent (therefore some under-reporting by
    us here?)
  • Physical psychological ill-health (of
    interviewees, their parents, wider family,
    children and friends) common but incidental
    element of biographical interviews
  • e.g. for interviewees - depression, anxiety,
    injuries e.g. for parents/ others - chronic
    and acute physical and mental illnesses

9
Poor health transitions some examples
  • In several cases, clear negative impact of
    ill-health on school-to-work careers (and vice
    versa)
  • At the moment Im suffering from depression,
    cos Ive applied for loads of jobs and then you
    just dont get them, so you start feeling really,
    really low//your chances are getting slimmer
    and slimmer because you hear about people closing
    factories down and all them people are looking
    for work
  • (Chrissie, 25)

10
Ill-health young parenthood
  • I get down a lot with the kidseat a lot for
    comfort. Im on my own constantly with the kids
    and theyre just there and Ive got to struggle
    through. Ive been quite unhappy for a while now
    with me life, but as I say, its down to me to
    make the changes. Everyday just being the same.
    Its the same routine everyday now. I need to
    make the effort to change that and do more and
    learn more.
  • (Val, 22)

11
Narratives of Mortality
  • As well as narratives of ill-health, strikingly
    high levels of bereavement
  • Over half reported the death of a significant
    person in their lives, not including grandparents
    (mainly parents, siblings, partners, children or
    friends).
  • Death from various chronic and acute illnesses
    plus car accidents, suicides and drug overdoses
  • Striking, note-worthy in itself but even more so
    was the unpredictability of the consequences of
    these events

12
Critical moments, biography and transition
Martin
  • Across interviewees, Martin was one of the most
    successful, settled school to work careers
    despite successive experience of loss
    ill-heath.
  • At 20, suicides of father and friend had
    deepened Martins commitment to employment
  • Ive worked a lot harder since it happened for
    my own good
  • And to his neighbourhood/ community (via youth
    work)
  • to fight back and to try and put myself right

13
Martin, (continued)
  • At 23, had left East Kelby and grass-roots youth
    work
  • perinatal death of his first child
  • wifes depression
  • trouble with disruptive young neighbours
  • new start in a new town
  • His own response to his loss was (again) to sink
    himself
  • into his job
  • My way of mourning is basically to get to work
    and immerse myself in that, which is what I did
    when my Dad died. I had three days off and I was
    straight back to work. With Ben his son I had
    three weeks off, but personally if it was just
    me I would have gone back straight away. Its
    just my way of dealing with things.

14
Martin (continued)
  • I think its made me a bit more successfulin
    trying to succeed a bit more. You know, I was
    doing exactly the same job, but Ive worked a lot
    harder since it happened fathers death. I done
    it for me own good, because Ive worked a lot
    harder. I wanna succeed more//I wanted to prove
    that other people in the family can do things,
    not only to myself but also to others.

15
Critical moments, biography and transition
Micky
  • Classic extended, drug-crime career
  • At first interview, described whole-sale
    disengagement from education and employment,
    escalating offending, recurrent imprisonment and
    chronic relapse to heroin
  • At 21, most recent return to heroin had been in
    part triggered/ explained by death of sister
    two friends in car accident

16
Micky (continued)
  • Cos of everything that was going on around us
    at the time. When I got out of prison in 1999,
    we lost our sister as well in the accident. I
    lost two of me best friends...the car turned
    over, hit the tree and burst into flames. Me
    sister and me best mates were in that. Since I
    lost them, I just went off it. I just started
    committing crime again and all that againI went
    off it, because of it. Because I didnt think it
    was fair and all that crap.

17
Self-reliance coping Max
  • General opposition to seeking psychiatric help/
    counselling amongst young men
  • Max, 28, lost friends in the same car crash
  • Oh it was fuckin bad. Im glad that Im working
    and that now, cos me head would be up me arse if
    I wasnt working likeAll the shit Ive had in me
    life, its my mates that have got me through it.
    Theres a lot of people who say, have you seen a
    counsellor? You know with the crash. Im like, no
    I dont fuckin need counselling, you know what I
    mean?.
  • At first interview, Max had commented you have
    to be a stone-faced fucker to survive round here

18
Back to Micky
  • Ive got out this time from prison and when I
    was in custody this time, we found out me Mam had
    cancer. Ive got out, she passed away and theres
    another funeral//Its affected me in loads of
    ways. Its kept me off the drugs anyway. Cos I
    was a heroin addict. I was messing about with
    the heroin for the past four year and since this
    has happened, Ive straightened meself out.

19
Micky (continued)
  • Reflecting on changes in his life since we first
    met him, Micky went on
  • Well, yeah, theres been a lot of loss in the
    family. Thats a big change. And the biggest
    change of all, this time Im determined to stay
    clean and I know for a fact I will. In the past
    I might have said yeah Im staying clean and as
    soon as Im released Im back on it straight
    away//its had a massive impact, totally
    massive. I mean youve only got one mother and
    once shes gone, its like loosing a leg isnt
    it, or loosing an arm? Devastated. Ill never go
    back on it. No, I mean it. I know it anyway.

20
Conclusions
  • Ill-health bereavement significant elements of
    multiple social problems that affect young people
    in poor neighbourhoods and their transitions to
    adulthood.
  • Much said about structured, spatial health
    inequalitieslittle said in youth transitions
    research
  • Our studies highlight the influence on youth
    transitions of critical moments (Thomson et al,
    2002) (e.g. parental separation, intervention of
    professionals, as well as health episodes)
  • Helps explain differentiation of individual
    transitions in context of shared locality,
    ethnicity, class, economic marginality and poverty

21
Conclusions (continued)
  • Occurrence of health critical moments not so
    unpredictable in Thomson et als study young
    peoples narratives were much more likely to be
    marked by descriptions of chronic illness and
    death in the poorest of the five localities
    studied
  • Consequences are much less predictable (different
    responses to similar events across biographies
    and within same biography).
  • Critical health moments and longer experience
    of ill-health - influence transitions, but one
    influence amongst many (e.g. Mickys return to
    and turn away from heroin enmeshed in multiple,
    simultaneous, other factors and processes)

22
Some Questions?
  • How might we begin to explain the variability in
    personal response (between and within individual
    cases) to apparently similar critical moments?
  • Do you think we would have found similar or
    different things if we had researched affluent
    neighbourhoods?
  • What youth policy and practice challenges are
    suggested by this research?
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