The Globalisation of Labour and Work

1
The Globalisation of Labour and Work
2
Todays Lecture

• What are the implications of (neoliberal)
  globalisation for the nature of work?
• How has global economic restructuring since the
  1970s affected labour as a political force?
• Has globalisation led to the end of North-South
  differences between workers?

3
Labour and Fordism

• Harmonious labour relations. Labour unions were
  part of the system.
• Corporatism a few select interest groups
  (typically business and labour) are in involved
  in the policymaking process. This was a central
  feature of Fordism in Europe.
• Pluralism multiple interest groups compete for
  political lobbying, especially through lobbying.
  Found in the US. However, US unions strongly
  supported US foreign policy during the Cold War.
• Thus, the post-war decades of US hegemony have
  been referred to as a labour-friendly regime.

4
Labour and the Crisis of Fordism

• The profit squeeze in the early 1970s led to a
  counter-movement against labour, by state and
  capital.
• Lean production was adopted in the West, but with
  more stress was placed on the intensification of
  the exploitation of labour.
• Various institutional changes occurred to subject
  labour to more market discipline. Labour laws
  were reformed to undermine job security. Trade
  union activities were restricted. Greater use of
  temporary and part-time workers, especially
  through subcontractors.
• Increased flexibility undermined the structural
  power of labour, and the labour movement.

5
Has this meant that the end of labour as a
political actor?

• Some writers have talked of a worldwide crisis
  of labour.
• Manuel Castells argues that in an information
  age, labour is no longer able to act as a source
  of social cohesion. Rather, identity movements
  have become more important.
• Similarities with the 1968 critique of labour as
  an old social movement, bureaucratic,
  paternalistic and incorporated into the
  capitalist order.

6
World-historical patterns of labour unrest (auto
industry)
7
A race to the bottom?

• Patterns of labour militancy are linked
  relationally across the world. When capitalists
  are faced with labour unrest, a key response has
  been to relocate production to regions where
  labour is politically weak and militancy is low.
• However, the relocation of production brings into
  existence new working class movements.
• Thus, the idea that globalisation necessarily
  brings about a race to the bottom in terms of
  wages and working conditions is false.
• Furthermore, these processes have important
  implications for domestic political systems as
  well as international politics.

8
South Africa

• One of those rare and refreshing places where
  profits are great, and problems are small.
  Capital is not threatened by political
  instability or nationalisation. Labour is cheap,
  the market is booming the currency hard and
  convertible.
• (Fortune Magazine, 1972).

9
Labour and Global Governance

• The contradictory effects of neoliberal
  globalisation it both undermines social
  solidarity, but it also undermines consent to the
  system.
• Thus, even within the advanced industrialised
  countries, there are signs that a global labour
  movement is emerging, engaged in international
  solidarity and resistance to neoliberalism. For
  example, the AFL-CIO joined NGOs and social
  movements in Seattle demonstratiosn in 1999.

10
Global Labour Organisations and the Social Clause
Campaign

• The social clause campaign was an attempt to
  create linkage between the ILO and the
  disciplinary mechanisms of the WTO.
• International Labour Organisation a tripartite
  organisation (state, capital, and labour). It
  establishes conventions which cover labour
  standards, etc. No real disciplinary powers.
• Main international union organisations
  International Trade Secretariats (since 2006,
  called Global Union Federations), these are
  sectoral orgs, e.g. International Metalworkers
  Federation. Also, there international
  organisation that represent national level labour
  confederations, such as the British TUC, the
  American AFL-CIO. These include, the
  International Confederation of Free Trade Unions
  (ICFTU, members mainly Western anti-communist
  unions), World Federation of Labour (WFL,
  European Christian unions), World Federation of
  Trade Unions (Communist unions). In 2006, the
  ICFTU and WCL joined to form the International
  Federation of Free Trade Unions.

11
What is the significance of the social clause
campaign?

• The campaign was not successful.
• But, the ICFTU was involved in inside
  negotiations within the WTO, does this amount to
  democratisation of institutions of global
  governance?
• However, the social clause campaign was also
  supported by US and EU governmens, but it was
  opposed by Third World governments and NGOs.
• Was the social clause campaign a case of
  protectionism disguised as a concern for labour
  standards? Does the global union movement thus
  represent only the interests of Northern workers?

12
Regulating Corporations

• Corporate Social Responsibility and the UN Global
  Compact these codes of conduct and non-binding
  and do not involve dialogue with labour unions.
• An alternative is the International Framework
  Agreement, which ideally covers all aspects of a
  multinationals operations, including labour
  standards which ideally extend to subcontractors.
  They involve supervision by labour unions. In
  reality, however, subcontracting relationships
  are generally not covered.
• IFAs have mostly been established only with
  European companies.

13
A Continuing North-South Divide?

• Most attempts to regulate international
  institutions and TNCs have been led by Northern
  labour unions.
• There is evidence to suggest that there are still
  significant differences in terms of interests and
  levels of livelihood between workers of the North
  and South.
• This poses a challenge to the strong
  globalisation thesis, that inequality between
  states is being replaced with inequality within
  states, and that there is now the emergence of a
  global bourgeoisie and global proletariat (e.g.
  the argument made by Held et al 1999, Hoogvelt
  1997, Hardt and Negri 2000).

14
Main points of todays lecture

• Post-Fordism represents the decline of labours
  role in policymaking in the European countries.
  The neoliberalisation and globalisation of
  production are undermining the organisational
  strength of labour in core countries.
• However, new labour movements emerge in the sites
  of relocation of production where capital goes,
  militancy goes.
• Even in the core, labour organisations are
  actively opposing globalisation and seeking to
  regulate both the public and private
  (corporations) institutions of global governance.
• This does not mean, however, that barriers
  between workers of the North and South are
  rapidly disappearing. There is evidence to
  suggest that global labour organisations (ICFTU,
  ITSs) largely represent and act in the interests
  of Northern workers.
• Thus, globalisation does not simply bring
  homogenisation or the end of the Third World.