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Psychological Research on the Sentencing Process

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Title: Psychological Research on the Sentencing Process


1
Psychological Research on the Sentencing Process
  • A/Prof Jane Goodman-Delahunty
  • University of New South Wales
  • j.g-delahunty_at_unsw.edu.au

2
FOUR KEY PSYCHOLOGICAL ISSUES IN SENTENCING
  • OFFENDER
  • Opportunity to avoid a life of crime
  • COMMUNITY
  • Perceived trustworthiness of the legal system
  • OFFENDER AND COMMUNITY
  • Safety of the community in the future
  • Requirements of justice and mercy

3
  • OFFENDER FEATURES

4
HIGH ROAD v LOW ROAD Causes of crime and
blameworthiness
  • EXTERNAL CAUSES
  • Situational pressures
  • Social conditions
  • Mitigating factors that
  • shape criminal conduct
  • Less responsible
  • Lighter sentence
  • INTERNAL CAUSES
  • Crime under control of offender
  • Motive
  • Character/predisposition
  • More responsible
  • More severe sentences

5
  • COMMUNITY CONCERNS
  • Confidence in justice system

6
CONFIDENCE IN LEGAL SYSTEM?
  • Is the punishment effective?
  • Evidence to support major goals of punishment?
  • Incapacitation Retribution Deterrence
  • Rehabilitation Restoration
  • Psychology of punishment
  • Disparities in sentencing decisions
  • Sources of variation
  • Offender, judge, victim features
  • Unrecognised influences and cognitive biases

7
Retribution, deterrence and sentence length
  • Retribution and deterrence theories assume a
    multiplicative relationship between sentence
    duration and intensity l
  • LONGER SENTENCE MORE AVERSIVE
  • Studies of painful experiences reveal adaptation
    to punishment and how negative experiences are
    recalled
  • Snapshot comprised of the average of most
    extreme pain and affect towards the end of the
    experience
  • MAXIMUM INTENSITY END INTENSITY

8
Psychology of sentence length
  • The end of a short sentence is experienced as
    aversively as its beginning.
  • The end of a much longer sentence is recalled as
    increasingly less aversive at its end.
  • Lengthening sentences may reduce their recalled
    negative character.
  • Imprisonment is less effective as punishment as
    sentence length increases - the cost of longer
    terms is near constant, but the punitive bite
    steadily diminishes over time.
  • (Kahnemann, Robinson Darley)

9
Variation in sentencing decisions
  • Offender demographics race, gender
  • Male and black offenders 50 more likely to
    receive longer sentences than women and white
    offenders (Ulmer, 1997).
  • Judge demographics race, gender
  • Over 50 of the variance in sentencing
    attributable to features of the presiding judge
    (Hogarth, 1971,
  • Female judges more lenient on female offenders
  • Black judges more severe to black defendants

10
Variation in sentencing decisions
  • Individualized judicial heuristics
  • Rely on a small number of factors
  • Different judges rely on different factors
  • Often use only one cue
  • - Prosecutors request 64 of 555 cases in NW
    Spain (Farina, Arce Novo 2003)
  • - Parole officers recommendation 84 simply
    accepted the parole officers recommendation
  • Inconsistencies between judges
  • Depart from the formal principles of law and due
    process (Dhami, 2005 Dhami, 2004 Dhami, 2003
    Dhami Ayton, 2001)

11
Judging study
  • Participants 15 male, 7 female municipal judges
  • Task Set bail bond for an alleged prostitute
  • Materials Copy of citation location, date of
    alleged crime Arresting charge (prostitution),
    defendant employment record, length of residence
    at address
  • Prior conviction of prostitution 6 months before
  • No failures to appear in court
  • Prosecution recommendation against release on own
    recognizance
  • Bond assessment form

12
Write down .
  • What will happen to you as you physically die
  • What emotions does the thought of your own death
    arouse?

13
Results
  • Average bail 50 v 450
  • Sole difference between groups was
    self-reflection about own mortality before
    sentence.
  • In-group identification is bolstered, offenders
    seen as out-group members, punished more severely
  • If victim is a member of an out-group, offense is
    rated less serious, and punishment is reduced.
  • Replicated in more than 100 subsequent studies
  • Rosenblatt, Greenberg, Solomon, Pyszczynski
    Lyon 1989

14
Terror management theory
  • Awareness of human vulnerability and mortality
    salience
  • Security in those who adhere to own cultural
    values
  • In a just world, bad things do not happen to good
    people
  • Positive response to those who bolster cultural
    anxiety buffers, negative response to moral
    transgressors who threaten them by violating
    cultural norms and values.
  • Punish those who break cultural rules

15
Variation in sentencing decisions
  • Robust severity effect across 160,000 judicial
    sentences, based on offense seriousness
  • Different penalties for similar offences based on
    qualities of the victim, not the offence (Erez,
    1991)

16
Sentencing based on qualities of victims
  • Punishment more severe when the victim depicted
    as innocent vs a dangerous criminal (Alicke
    Davis, 1989)
  • More perceived suffering to a victim who was a
    loyal husband than a loner, and higher
    sentence to defendant even if defendant unaware
    of victim identity at time of offense (Greene,
    1999)

17
Sentencing based on victim coping style or injury
  • More punitive sentences when victims cope poorly
    after the crime
  • (Hills Thompson, 1999).
  • Rate own feelings of sympathy higher, impose a
    higher prison term when the VIS describes a
    severe v mild emotional injury
  • (Nadler Rose, 2003)

18
Psychology of Victim Impact Statements
  • Heinousness of crime evokes emotional responses
  • Severe outcomes stimulate anger
  • Angry moods reduce in-depth, systematic analyses,
    increase reliance on stereotypes
  • Hindsight bias more egregious injuries result in
    more convictions and more severe sentences

19
  • OFFENDER AND COMMUNITY CONCERNS
  • Safety of the community
  • Reducing recidivism
  • Justice and mercy

20
FUTURE DANGEROUSNESS
  • Controversy over expert evidence
  • Prospective harm v past offending conduct
  • Often implicit theories of causation of crime
  • Actuarial/static v clinical/dynamic assessments
  • Influence of the form of the evidence
  • Same information presented using actuarial v
    clinical evidence of risk of future dangerousness
  • Actuarial evidence produced higher ratings of
    dangerous (Krauss Sales).

21
Expert reports on future risks
  • Whenever a psychologist or a psychiatrist
    testifies during a defendants competency
    hearing, the psychologist or psychiatrist shall
    wear a cone-shaped hat that it not less than two
    feet tall. The surface of the hat shall be
    imprinted with stars and lightning bolts.
    Additionally, the psychologist or psychiatrist
    shall be required to don a white beard that is
    not less than 18 inches in length, and shall
    punctuate crucial elements of his testimony by
    stabbing the air with a wand. Whenever a
    psychologist or psychiatrist provides expert
    testimony regarding the defendants competency,
    that bailiff shall dim the courtroom lights and
    administer two strikes to a Chinese gong.
  • State of New Mexico

22
Can people change?
  • Nothing works review of 274 studies of programs
    aiming to reduce recidivism (1974), results of
    rehabilitation successes overlooked.
  • Community sentences less thoroughly researched
  • Positive reinforcement

23
BALANCING JUSTICE AND MERCY IN SENTENCING
  • Not just a legal decision, also a moral one.
  • - factual accuracy and moral accuracy
  • Expression of communitys moral sense of what
    constitutes just punishment based on the
    offenders conduct and life story.
  • Options for more community input?
  • Community input via juries?

24
How should mercy season justice?
  • Ones legal right does not make one right
  • Fairness may demand that offenders receive
    different sentences for similar offenses.
  • - room for discretion by judges

25
CONCLUSIONS
  • Future empirical research directions
  • Evaluations of rehabilitative and restorative
    sentences
  • Ways to minimize common cognitive and emotional
    biases
  • Increase community participation and
    representation
  • Public education

26
References
  • Alicke, M.D., Davis, T.L. (1989). The role of
    posteriori victim information in judgments of
    blame and sanction. Journal of Experimental
    Social Psychology, 25362-377.
  • Blumstein, A., Cohen, J. (1980). Sentencing of
    convicted offenders An analysis of the publics
    views. Law and Society Review, 14, 223.
  • Carroll, J.S., Perkowitz, W.T., Lurigio, A.J.,
    Weaver, F.M. (1987). Sentencing goals, causal
    attributions, ideology and personality. Journal
    of Personality and Social Psychology, 52,
    107-118.
  • Dhami, M.K. (2005). From discretion to
    disagreement Explaining disparities in judges
    pretrial decisions. Behavioral Sciences and the
    Law, 23, 367-386.
  • Dhami, M.K. (2004). Conditional bail decision
    making in the magistrates court. The Howard
    Journal, 43, 27-46.
  • Dhami, M.K. (2003). Psychological models of
    professional decision making. Psychological
    Science, 14, 175-180.

27
  • Dhami, M.K., Ayton, P. (2001). Bailing and
    jailing the fast and frugal way. Journal of
    Behavioral Decision Making, 14,141-168.
  • Erez, E. (1991). Victim impact statements. Trends
    and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, 33,1-4.
  • Goodman-Delahunty, J., ForsterLee, l.,
    ForsterLee, R. (2005). Dealing with the guilty
    offender. In N. Brewer K.D. Williams (Eds.)
    Psychology and Law An Empirical Perspective.
  • Greene, E. (1999). The many guises of victim
    impact evidence and effects on jurors judgments.
    Psychology, Crime and Law, 5,331-348.
  • Hills, A., Thompson, D. (1999). Should victim
    impact influence sentences? Understanding the
    communitys justice reasoning. Behavioral
    Sciences and the Law, 17, 661-671.
  • Hogarth, J. (1971). Sentencing as a human
    process. Toronto Toronto University Press.
  • King, N.J., Noble, R.L. (2005). Jury sentencing
    in non-capital cases Comparing severity and
    variance with judicial sentences in two states.
    Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 2, 331-367.

28
  • Lawrence, J.A. (1988). Expertise in judicial
    decision making. In M.T.H. Chi, R. Glasser M.
    Farr (Eds.) Informal Reasoning and Education.
    Hillsdale, NJ Erlbaum.
  • Myers, B., Greene, E. (2004). The prejudicial
    nature of victim impact statements Implications
    for capital sentencing policy. Psychology, Public
    Policy and Law, 10, 492-515.
  • Nadler, J., Rose, M.R. (2003). Victim impact
    testimony and the psychology of punishment.
    Cornell Law Review, 88, 419-438.
  • Rosenblatt, A., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S.,
    Pyzczynski, T., Lyon, D. (1989). Evidence for
    terror management theory, I The effects of
    mortality salience on reactions to those who
    violate or uphold cultural values. Journal of
    Personality and Social Psychology, 57, 681-690.
  • Ulmer, J.T. (1997). Social worlds of sentencing
    Court communities under sentencing guidelines.
    Albany, NY State University of New York Press.

29
  • Male and black offenders are 50 more likely to
    receive longer sentences than women and white
    offenders (Ulmer, 1997).
  • The biasing effect of gender is related to the
    gender of the judge as well as the gender of the
    offender (Mulhausen, (2004).
  • Mulhausen (2004) analysed the interaction between
    race and gender characteristics of judges and
    offenders and found that
  • Female defendants received more lenient sentences
    than males.
  • The most lenient sentences were given to female
    offenders by female judges.
  • Black offenders received longer sentences when
    black judges were presiding over their case.
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