Psych-verbs in the history of English: the diachrony of argument structure: - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

About This Presentation
Title:

Psych-verbs in the history of English: the diachrony of argument structure:

Description:

Psych-verbs in the history of English: the diachrony of argument structure: Elly van Gelderen Non-Canonically Case-Marked Subjects Conference, – PowerPoint PPT presentation

Number of Views:176
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 48
Provided by: EllyvanG8
Category:

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: Psych-verbs in the history of English: the diachrony of argument structure:


1
Psych-verbs in the history of English the
diachrony of argument structure
  • Elly van Gelderen
  • Non-Canonically Case-Marked Subjects Conference,
  • Iceland, 8 June 2012
  • ellyvangelderen_at_asu.edu

2
Aims and outline
  • Aims -to look at some shifts in the marking
  • of arguments, especially causatives and
    psych-verbs
  • -to explore reasons for these shifts
  • Outline -Increase in transitivity and lability
  • -Psych-verbs change from ObjExpgtSuExp and
    renewal of ObjExp
  • -what does this tell us about AS?

3
Transitivity in the history of English
  • There is an increase in transitivity and this
    increase is partly due to verbs ceasing to mark
    Theme-preserving alternations (between
    anticausative and causative).
  • Theme-changing alternations (between intransitive
    and transitive) due to the changes in aspect
    marking, objects become licensed by a light verb,
    v.

4
OE gt ModE loss of intransitives
  • Visser (1963 98 100) OE has 223 exclusively
    intransitive verbs whereas ModE only has 58. This
    is based on the pre-1933 OED.
  • Of his 58 verbs, 26 remain as exclusively
    intransitive in non-archaic Modern English. These
    are indicated as bold

5
OE gt ModE increase in lability
  • Old English has 80 labile verbs (Ottoson 2009
    van Gelderen 2011) Modern English has over 800
    labile verbs that alternate between causative and
    anticausative (McMillion 2006).
  • Some accumulate, begin, blow up, boil, break,
    burn, change, close, continue, crack, crash,
    develop, dim, dissolve, dry, end, explode,
    freeze, grow, hang, improve, increase, melt,
    move, open, pop, roast, roll, shake, sink, split,
    spread, stabilize, turn.

6
Why the increase in lability?
  • Gothic has a productive causative suffix j-
  • ur-reisan arise gt ur-raisjan to make arise
  • sliupan walk silentlygt af-slaupjan to make
    slip away
  • brinnan burn intr.gt ga-brannjan to burn st
  • sitan sit gt satjan to put
  • The causative becomes opaque in OE due to
    phonological reasons.
  • OE has 107 verbs with a causative suffix (Garcia
    Garcia 2012) and ModE has 4-6 (sit/set,
    fall/fell, bite/bait, etc) most others turn
    labile.

7
Structure and loss
  • (1) vP
  • DP v
  • (he)
  • v VP
  • -i
  • DP V
  • God
  • V AP
  • glad glad
  • (2) Ac utan glad-i-an georne God ælmihtigne
  • but let.we glad-CAUS-INF eagerly God almighty

8
ModE kept -en
  • awaken, blacken, brighten, broaden, cheapen,
    coarsen, dampen, darken, deafen, deepen, fasten,
    fatten, flatten, freshen, frighten, gladden,
    harden, hasten, hearten, heighten, lengthen,
    lessen, lighten, loosen, madden, moisten, neaten,
    quicken, quieten, redden, ripen, roughen, sadden,
    sharpen, shorten, sicken, slacken, smarten,
    soften, stiffen, straighten, strengthen, sweeten,
    tauten, tighten, toughen, waken, weaken, whiten,
    widen, worsen

9
This en is interesting
  • According to Skeat (1892 275-276), the -en
    suffix reverses its meaning from the Gothic
    detransitivizing na-verbal class (cf. lear-n,
    ow-n, daw-n, drow-n) to English causativizer the
    -n in full-n-an to be filled is reanalyzed as
    -en in blacken and darken to make black/dark.
  • It is now a verbalizer and adds a change of state.

10
Changes in affectedness of the object marking
aspect lost
  • Loss of genitive objects (around 1200), but
  • introduction of articles (1200)
  • Loss of ge- (again 1200, and all 3 in the same
    text!) and other aspectual prefixes
  • ærnan to run gt geærnan to reach
  • feran to go gt geferan to reach
  • adruwian dry up, aswapan sweep off, clean
  • But renewal by particle receive in issue out

11
Perfective and object affectedness
  • vP gt vP
  • v v
  • v ASPP v VP
  • DP ASP i-asp DP V
  • i-GEN ASP VP V DP
  • ge- V
  • i-pf V DP

12
Structurally
  • Not much changes with the causative, except
    little v zero
  • Transitive no visible difference (e.g. ge-)
    between transitive and intransitive anymore. The
    v has taken over from (internal) ASP.

13
Psych-verbs
  • (1) That alien frightens him.
    ExpObj Cause EXP
  • (2) He fears that alien. ExpSu EXP SU
    MATTER
  • Experiencer Verbs as in Verhoeven (2007 42-50)
  • bodily sensation be cold, be hungry
  • emotion fear, anger, shame
  • cognition understand, learn, remember
  • volition like, wish
  • perception see, hear

14
Generalizing and inverted
  • If a language expresses its Experiencer as if it
    were a normal animate agent, Bossong (1998 260)
    uses generalization and if not, he suggests the
    term inversion.
  • Bossong (1998 269) also mentions that
    generalization is a diachronic process in
    Germanic. English is virtually completely
    generalizing whereas Icelandic is on the inverted
    side of the continuum the other Scandinavian
    languages are more on the English side with Dutch
    and German more towards Icelandic.

15
Bossongs 10 verbs increase in SuExp
  • Be cold, be hungry, be thirsty, have a headache,
    be glad about, be sorry, like something, remember
    something, forget something, see something.
  • For instance
  • Mer er kalt jag fryser I am cold Ik heb ..
  • X gladdi mig X gläder mig/jag glädjes över I am
    glad about
  • But there is renewal of ObjExp!

16
Three types of OE verbs, based on Elmer (1981)
and Allen (1995)
  • I N II
  • DAT Exp DAT/ACC Exp NOM Exp
  • NOM Th GEN Th (or P) Gen Th
  • eglian ail langian long for sceamian shame
  • (ge/of)hreowan lystan desire hreowan pity
  • (ge)lician ofhreowan pity reccan care
  • laþian loathe ofþyncan regret giernan
    yearn
  • losian lose sceamian cause/feel
    shame wilnian desire
  • mislician (ge)spowan cause/
  • feel success at behofian need
  • oflician tweonian cause/feel doubt at lystan
  • ofþyncan þyncan seem, think lustfullian
  • þyncan wlatian nauseate/be nauseated

17
Type I
  • (1) Þa bodan us færdon
  • the messengers us frightened.P
  • NOM-Theme DAT/ACC-Exp
  • The messengers frightened us. (Ælfric Deut i.
    28)
  • Order typically NOM-DAT except when EXP is
    pronoun
  • CSD controlled first NP by EXP when it precedes
    the Th (Allen 114)

18
Type N
  • (2) oððaet him wlatode þaere gewilnunge
  • until him nauseated that desire
  • DAT/ACC-Exp GEN-Theme
  • until he was nauseated of the desire.
  • (from Allen 1995 70, Ælfric Hom. 21.89)
  • Order typically Exp-Th
  • CSD often controlled by EXP

19
Type II
  • (3) þe cyng gyrnde heora fultumes
  • the king desired their support
  • NOM-Exp GEN-Th
  • The king wanted some of their support.
  • (Peterborough Chronicle 1087.37-39)

20
More differences
  • 60-80 of EXP are pronouns, especially in type N
    (Allen 100) Theme is more likely a Noun (a)
    cant have been Case loss, and (b) possible
    information status.
  • Allen (145) compares the apparent synonyms lician
    and (ge)cweman please the Theme is mainly
    non-human with lician but rarely so with
    (ge)cweman. So, with the latter the Theme had
    control, was a Cause

21
From ObjExpgtSuExp
  • (a) Of the OE ones, several are still in use
    ail, like, loathe, yearn, long, and shame but
    like and loathe have changed from class I to II
    and long from N to II. Shame is of course only
    used in passive participle form.
  • (b) Fear has changed from ObjExpgtSuExp.
  • (c) Hate is not listed by Elmer or Allen, but
    remains stable as SubjExp, as does love.

22
ObjExp first SubExp first
  • anger 1200 be angry 1360
  • vex 1423 detest 1533
  • annoy 1300 fume about 1522
  • disturb 1230 pity
  • trouble 1230 (transitive use 1340)
  • hurt 1526 (transitive use 1200)
  • displease 1377 dislike 1578
  • distress 1400 despise 1297
  • irritate 1531 hate OE

23
ObjExp SuExp
  • infuriate 1667 be furious about/at 1855
  • amuse 1600 be amused upon 1601
  • astonish 1600 be astonished at 1611
  • surprise 1474 be surprised with 1485
  • please 1350 like 1200
  • delight 1500 love OE
  • overjoy 1382 adore 1300
  • embitter 1603 resent 1595
  • cheer 1430 rejoice 1390

24
ObjExp SubjExp
  • exhilarate 1540 admire 1500
  • worry 1807 worry with 1671
  • grieve 1300 grieve (over) 1640
  • bore 1768 be bored 1768
  • frighten 1666 fear 1393
  • scare 1200 be afraid 1475
  • terrify 1536
  • thrill 1800
  • appease 1374 (transitive use 1330)
  • charm 1616 (transitive 1380)

25
Lician cweman - please
  • (1) Æghwylc man, ..., þurh gode dæda Gode lician
    sceal. (OED 971 Blickl. Hom. 129)
  • (2) gif hig god-e willan rihtlice cweman
  • if they God-DAT want rightly please
  • (Allen 1995 146)
  • (3) Þe wordes of my mouþe shul ben þat hii plesen
    (OED, c1350 Psalter in K. D. Bülbring Earliest
    Compl. Eng. Prose Psalter (1891) xviii. 15)
  • (4) it bihoueth ?ou for to go and plese to God.
    (OED, c1384 Bible Douce 369(2) 1 Thess. iv. 1)

26
Qs what happened?
  • Is Bossong right? Yes I/N gt II ObjExpgtSuExp.
  • Whats the trigger Animacy?
  • Færan frighten gt fear
  • - Was Th non-human?
  • - Was Exp pronoun?
  • (1) Ða bodan us færdon, cwædon OED
  • (2) God þa afærde þone forsædan ealdorman
    ealle his meniu (DOE Judg B8.1.7.2)

27
ExpSub
  • (1) He him ondræt his deaþes
  • he REFL fears his death
  • NOM-Exp GEN-Theme He fears his death.
  • (Ælfric Hom Skeat i, 12, 87)
  • Is the reflexive a detransitivizer?
  • (2) Dit verbaast haar Dutch
  • This astonishes her
  • (3) Zij verbaast zich over ...
  • She astonishes REFL about ...

28
Many reflexives with SuExp!
  • (1) Hwæs ondrætst ðu ðe?
  • Of.what fear you REFL
  • What do you fear? (Hom II 342, 28)
  • (2) Forþan gif þu þe ofsceamian wilt þines
    gedwolan (Boethius 6.16)
  • Visser calls verbs with genitive objects
    intransitive and glosses this as to what, do you
    fear

29
ExpObj CausativeExpSubj Reflexive
  • (1) Swyðe blissiað þas word us þe her
    æfterfyliað
  • Much gladden the words us which here follow
    (Hom. I, 234.30-31)
  • (2) Ac se læweda mann sceal him ondrædan þæs
    biscopes cwyde
  • But the lay man shall REFL fear the bishops
    word (Hom. I, 234.16-17)

30
Delight reflexive and oblique object
  • (1) Eue?sech hine feier feng to deliten hire
    iþe bi haldunge. started to rejoice in (c1225
    Ancrene Riwle Cleo. C.vi 43)
  • (2) ?yf þou delyte þe oftyn stoundes, Yn horsys,
    haukys, or yn houndes. 1303 R. Mannyng Handlyng
    Synne 3086
  • (3) So hy ben delited in that art That wery ne
    ben hy neuere cert. c1300 K. Alis. 5802

31
To full ObjExp
  • (4) But for I?was so besy you to delyte. (OED,
    c1374 Chaucer Anelida Arcite 266)
  • (5) The loue of this game deliteth him so muche.
    (OED, 1535 Bp. J. Fisher Wks. 1876 366)
  • Delight keeps both but SuExp seems preferred
  • A quick google search finds many more ExpSu
    instances, e.g. 18 million delight in and 7
    million delights in and a million delight
    me/him and 380,000 delights me/him

32
Unidirectional?
  • - færan gt fear
  • OE ObjExp 1393 SuExp
  • - lician gt like
  • OE ObjExp 1200 SuExp
  • Exceptions may be behofian need and reccan
    care about, see Allen (1995 72 167 224-5).

33
Renewal of the ObjExp
  • anger, scare 1200 Old Norse
  • please 1350 Anglo-Norman
  • irritate 1531 Latin
  • embitter 1603 French and internal
  • stun 1700 internal change
  • worry 1807 internal change
  • But also of the SuExp adore, resent, rejoice

34
Agent/ Causer and Th gt Th/Cause and Exp
  • (4) a. They kill it a fish by first stunning it
    with a knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies
    tr. A. Olearius Voy Trav. Ambassadors 165)
  • b. The ball, which had been nearly spent before
    it struck him, had stunned instead of killing
    him. (OED, 1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271)
  • (5) Why doe Witches and old women, fascinate and
    bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton Anat
    Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127)

35
Possible reasons for changes
  • Loss of causative i- and many Exp verbs are
    causative f?ran lt færjan frighten
  • Lability with psych-Vs is rare!
  • Decausitivization?
  • (1) 1393 So lowde his belle is runge?That of þe
    noise?Men feeren hem?Welmore þan þei don of
    þonder.
  • (2) 1530 I feared me alwayes that it wolde be so.
  • (3) a1593 I feare me he is slaine.

36
Like reflexive and ambiguous
  • (1) I ha me liked ai vm-quile In vnnait wordes.
    (OED a1300 Cursor Mundi 28336)
  • (2) For ilk suik it-self bisuikes, And lethes
    mast þat þar-in likes. that therein delights
  • (OED, a1300 Cursor Mundi 19231-2)
  • (3) And þar-on made his sacrifijs Our lauerd
    drightin, þat al weldand, Him liked wel in his
    offrand (Cursor Mundi 1940)

37
ObjExp gt SuExp loss of v, but what came instead?
  • (1) vP gt vP
  • DP v DP v
  • Þa bodan He
  • CAUSE v-cause VP EXP v VP
  • (SE)
  • DP V V DP
  • us færdon feares the thing
  • EXP Th/SM

38
Acquisition of Theme first?
  • Ryan (2008 2012) shows how the Theme emerges
    first, e.g. drop, fall, up etc. are the first
    predicates.
  • That may be why the ObjExp is reanalyzed.

39
Eve (Brown 1973) lots of ExpSu with like and
some with hurt
  • 18 like as P
  • 19 I like icecream
  • like more?
  • 17 look (.) hurt xxx self
  • 111 Sue (.) I hurt my finger.
  • Nothing with ObjExp anger, hurt, worry

40
Current changes ExpSugtAgent?
  • (1) I am liking/loving/hating it.
  • E.g. in COCA
  • (2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to be
    hating that and totally tired.
  • (3) and I am liking what I see in the classrooms

41
New ObjExp new v-Cause
  • (1) Suche daunsis, whiche?dyd with vnclene
    motions or countinances irritate the myndes of
    the dauncers to venereall lustes. (1531 Elyot Bk.
    named Gouernouri. xix. sig. Kijv)
  • (2) Impiety?doth embitter all the conveniencies
    and comforts of life. (a1677 I. Barrow Serm.
    Several Occasions 1678 52)
  • (3) Which at first did frighten people more than
    any-thing. (1666 S. Pepys Diary 4 Sept VII 275)

42
Still true?
  • COHA - 4/582 irritate and 1/178 embitter have
    emphatic do
  • (1) Unruly sons and unreasonable fathers did
    sometimes embitter his else sweet days and
    nights.
  • - 0/675252 like has but admire has lots!

43
Conclusions
  • Loss of causative i- and genitive Case and
    perfective/transitivizing ge-
  • -Increase in lability 80 gt 800
  • -Intransitive gt transitive 223 gt 30
  • Loss of genitive and loss of causative may have
    triggered change on ObjExp
  • -Like, loathe, long, and fear ObjExpgtSuExp
  • -New ExpObj v-cause do is used for new
    ExpObj
  • -Reversal of EXP and TH very much a puzzle
    possibly due to the acquisition of the Theme.
  • -Role of reflexive not clear

44
Cyclical change
  • ObjExp
  • stun fear frighten
  • SuAg SubExp
  • seeing/liking it

45
References
  • Allen, Cynthia. 1995. Case marking and
    reanalysis. Oxford Oxford University Press.
  • Belletti, Adriana and Rizzi, Luigi. 1988.
    Psych-Verbs and Theta-Theory. Natural Language
    and Linguistic Theory 6 291-352.
  • Bossong, Georg 1998. Le marquage de lexpérient
    dans les langues dEurope. In Jack Feuillet,
    Actance et Valence dans les Langues de lEurope,
    259-294. Berlin Mouton de Gruyter.
  • Clark Hall, J.R. 1916. A Concise Anglo-Saxon
    Dictionary Second Edition. Cambridge Cambridge
    University Press.
  • Cole, Peter et al 1980. The acquisition of
    subjecthood. Language 56.4  719-743.
  • Croft, William 1983. Case marking and the
    semantics of mental verbs. In Semantics and the
    Lexicon, edited by James Pustejovsky. Dordrecht
    Kluwer.

46
  • Dictionary of Old English (DOE) texts.
    http//www.doe.utoronto.ca.
  • Folli, Rafaella Heidi Harley 2005. Flavors of
    v. In Paula Kempchinsky et al (eds), Aspectual
    Inquiries, 95-120. Springer
  • Garcia Garcia, Luisa 2012. Morphological
    Causatives in Old English. TrPhS 110 122-148.
  • Gelderen, Elly van 2011. Valency Changes in the
    History of English. Journal of Historical
    Linguistics 1.1 106-143.
  • Haspelmath, Martin 2001. Non-Canonical Marking of
    Core Arguments in European Languages. In
    Aikhenvald et al (eds), Non-Canonical Marking of
    Subjects and Objects, 53-83. Amsterdam John
    Benjamins.
  • Heidinger, Steffen 2010. French Anticausatives.
    De Gruyter.
  • Lightfoot, David 1979. Principles of Diachronic
    Syntax. CUP.

47
  • Malchukov, Andrej Siewierska, Anna 2011.
    Impersonal Constructions. Amsterdam John
    Benjamins.
  • Miura, Ayumi 2011. Middle English Verbs of
    Emotion and Impersonal Constructions. Manchester
    Diss.
  • Oxford English Dictionary (OED) 1933. Oxford
    Oxford University Press, and OED online.
  • Pesetsky, David. 1995. Zero Syntax. Cambridge
    MIT Press.
  • Pylkkänen, Lisa. 2008. Introducing Arguments.
    Cambridge MIT Press.
  • Ryan, John 2012. The Genesis of Argument
    Structure Observations of a Childs Early Speech
    Production in Spanish. Lambert Academic
    Publications.
  • Verhoeven, Elisabeth 2007. Experiential
    Constructions in Yucatec Maya. Amsterdam John
    Benjamins.
  • Visser, F. 1963-1973. An Historical Syntax of the
    English Grammar, Vol I-IIIb. Leiden Brill.
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com