Perspectives and concepts in the study of social strafication

1
???????

• ????

2
?????????

• ????????(??????????????),????????????????????
• ??????
• Aristotle"It is thus clear that there are by
  nature free men and slaves, and that servitude is
  agreeable and just for the latter. . . . Equally,
  the relation of the male to the female is by
  nature such that one is superior and the other is
  dominated. . . ."

3
???????

• Age of Enlightenment Locke, Rousseau, and
  Montesquieu.
• After revolution Bonald, Maistre, and
  Saint-Simon
• with these earlier philosophers, the nature of
  human inequalities provided the central question
  for the new science called sociology.

4
????

• We will examine the major assumptions behind
  these theories, as well as show the roots of
  major contemporary theories of social
  stratification

5
COMPETING PARADIGMS IN THE STUDYOF SOCIAL
STRATIFICATION

• Scientists must, to some degree, work from a set
  of pre-scientific and untested assumptions about
  the phenomena under study.

6
???????

• As Albert Einstein put it, "For the creation of a
  theory the mere collection of recorded phenomena
  never suffice--there must always be added a free
  invention of the human mind that attacks the
  heart of the matter"
• Einstein went further by rejecting the idea that
  "facts by themselves can and should yield
  scientific knowledge without the free conceptual
  construction".

7
???????

• We can call the general images of reality (which
  shape more specific theories) paradigms, and the
  assumptions about reality within paradigms can be
  called paradigm assumptions.

8
two points of caution

• 1. Although we will see that values and
  politically related assumptions at times have
  shaped or influenced theories of social
  stratification, we do not find only political
  debates in the study of social stratification.
• There is a reality out there, however complex and
  many-sided it may be, that these theories are
  struggling to understand. Just as the physical
  scientist must attempt to understand his or her
  subject matter by making certain untested or even
  untestable assumptions, so must the social
  scientist.

9
two points of caution

• The struggle to understand social phenomena such
  as inequality is not only a scientific endeavor
  it also has a basis in class or group interests.
  The advantaged classes, and especially elites,
  have had (and continue to have) an interest in
  shaping the understanding of social
  stratification so that this understanding does
  not threaten their interests in the status quo.

10
two points of caution

• Because the upper classes have usually had the
  means to make their view of social phenomena the
  accepted view (because of their free time to
  speculate and write, because of their influence
  over religion and education, and because of their
  ability to reward or punish social thinkers), the
  upper-class view of inequality has usually
  (although by no means always) been the dominant
  view.

11
two points of caution

• 2. We cannot ask whether a paradigm is right or
  wrong, true or false. Rather, we must ask whether
  a paradigm is useful or less useful in answering
  specific questions about the subject matter.

12
two points of caution

• All of the paradigms and general theories
  outlined in the following lead us to some
  important insights about the nature of social
  stratification.
• But, depending on the questions asked, some may
  be more useful than others.
• If in the study of social stratification we are
  most concerned with the question of who gets
  what, and why, it is increasingly recognized in
  sociology that some type of conflict theory will
  be able to supply the most useful answers.

13
Typology of stratification paradigms

• Our typology of stratification paradigms is
  constructed by combining two divergent sets of
  paradigm assumptions
• Model assumptions (functional vs. conflict)
• Value assumptions (conservative vs. radical)

14
Two main macrolevel generaltheories or paradigms

• functional and conflict theories of society
• They are both attempts at answering the most
  basic question in sociology-How is society
  possible? How is it that most people obey the
  rules most of the time? How is it that we can
  have orderly interaction without perpetual
  disruptive conflict between differing interest
  groups?

15
Three model assumptions (1)

• (1) Functional theorists maintain that society is
  held together primarily by a general consensus
  over the major values and norms in the society.
• People tend to obey the rules because through a
  long socialization process they have come to
  accept these rules.

16
Three model assumptions (1)

• Conflict theorists maintain that society is held
  together in the face of conflicting interests
  because either
• (a) one group in the society has the power to
  enforce the rules (and thus make subordinate
  groups follow rules that may primarily serve the
  interests of the superordinate group) or
• (b) there are so many overlapping and divided
  interest groups that individuals or groups must
  learn to cooperate.

17
Three model assumptions (2)

• Functional theorists tend focus more on societies
  as holistic systems (much like biological
  organism),
• Conflict theorists tend to focus on parts and
  processes within what we call societies.

18
Three model assumptions (3)

• Functional theorists tend to view societies as
  social system with specific needs of their own
  that must be met if the societies are to function
  properly, and thus survive.
• Conflict theorists view societies as settings
  within which various groups with differing
  interests interact and compete.

19
The two competing models

• ??????????????(??)?????,?????,?????????,??????????
  ?

20
Model assumptions
21
Value assumptions on social stratification
22
A Typology of Stratification Paradigms
??
23
Uncritical-order paradigm

• ?????????,??
• (1) ???????
• (2) ????????????????????

24
Uncritical-order paradigm

• ????????,????????????????
• ????????,?????,????????????(restraining
  mechanism)???????????
• ???????????????????????????????(consensus)?
• ???????????????,??????????????????

25
Uncritical-order paradigm

• this paradigm tend to view the task of social
  science as that of making a value-free analysis
  of society, rather than of attempting to
  understand how societies can be changed for the
  better.
• However, there is a tendency to be at least
  relatively supportive of the status quo.

26
Uncritical-conflict paradigm

• ????
• Distrust of human nature
• inequalities are inevitable
• ???
• because society is assumed to be a setting for
  conflicting interests, it is the power of one
  group over others that maintains social order.

27
Uncritical-conflict paradigm

• Given the view of human nature inherent in this
  paradigm, when one group is able to achieve a
  dominant position in the society, this group will
  tend to use that position to serve selfish
  interests.

28
Uncritical-conflict paradigm

• task of social science as that of making a
  value-free analysis of society in order to
  uncover basic social laws, rather than of
  attempting to promote social change. From their
  perspective, a society without some form of class
  conflict is viewed as impossible, and a more
  equal or just society is rejected.

29
Critical-conflict paradigm

• A powerful group is usually able to coerce or
  manipulate subordinate classes (through force,
  threat of force, withholding of jobs, or other
  means) because of the dominant group's influence
  over basic institutions in the society (such as
  the economy, government, courts, and police).

30
Critical-conflict paradigm

• Theorists from an uncritical-conflict paradigm
  are more accepting of these conditions, not
  necessarily because they are unsympathetic toward
  the lower class but because, given their
  assumptions about human nature and the
  inevitability of inequalities, they do not
  foresee that more just and equitable societies
  are possible.

31
Critical-conflict paradigm

• Critical-conflict theorists are more optimistic.
• Because they view human nature as more
  altruistic, cooperative, and unselfish, or
  perhaps simply more flexible (meaning that human
  beings can be either selfish or unselfish,
  depending on factors outside themselves), they
  believe that more equal and humane societies are
  possible.

32
Critical-conflict paradigm

• Uncritical-conflict theorists are distrustful of
  human nature, whereas critical conflict theorists
  are distrustful of restraining social
  institutions.

33
Critical-conflict paradigm

• According to them, the historical development of
  present social institutions shapes human behavior
  in such a way as to lead to exploitation by the
  powerful. In other words, the role people must
  play under a particular set of social
  institutions requires the exploitation. If this
  historical stage of social development is
  altered, the new set of social institutions can
  lead to basically different social relations.

34
Critical-conflict paradigm

• Critical-conflict theorists are, as the label
  implies, more critical of the status quo.
• the task of social science is to understand
  present society in order to be able to alter it.
• Their work is often more historically oriented
  than that of other theorists. They believe that
  by examining the historical progression or
  evaluation of human societies we can better
  understand how we arrived at our present
  predicament, and, thus, how we can change the
  status quo.

35

• ????typology?????????????????????????
• ??????????????,?????????????

36
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• ????-???

37
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• ?????????????????
• ????????????????????
• ????????????????????????????????

38
(No Transcript)
39
?????????????????????

• The seeds for both conflict and functional
  theories were contained in Saint-Simon's works.
• Durkheim was a principal figure who transferred
  Saint-Simon's ideas into Western academic
  sociology in the form of an uncritical-order
  paradigm.
• But it was Marx who transferred these ideas into
  a critical-conflict paradigm.

40
??????model assumptions

• At the base of human societies he saw class
  conflict and domination.
• Marx's perspective was one of dynamics and
  change, in contrast to the static and holistic
  perspective of early functionalists such as
  Durkheim.
• In Marx's view, social order exists because one
  class (the dominant class) is favored by a
  specific stage of economic development and is,
  thus, able to maintain social order through its
  power over the lower classes.

41
??????value assumptions

• The tasks of social science as not only to
  understand society but also to change it. He was
  critical of existing inequalities, conflicts, and
  exploitation, and he believed these conditions
  could, or more strongly would, be changed.
• He saw the root of these conditions of inequality
  and exploitation in social structures that had
  been, and would continue to be, subject to
  change. These conditions were not explained by
  "selfish human nature" "

42
?????????

• Born in 1818.
• Phd., Universities of Bonn and Berlin, 1841.
• could not find employment in academia, become a
  journalist.
• Life in London? in desperate poverty, reading and
  writing in British Museum.

43
??????value assumptions

• ?????????????,??????political activist? Social
  scientist???????
• ????????????,????????????????????????????
• ???????????????????,????????????
• ??1953?????????(Grundrisse)??????,?1971?????????
  ,????????????????????????????

44
??????????

• Max believed that to understand human societies
  the theorist must begin with the material
  conditions of human subsistence, or the economics
  of producing the necessities of life.

45

• The first premise of all human history is, of
  course, the existence of living human beings.
  Thus the first fact to be established is the
  physical organization of these individuals and
  their consequent relation to the rest of nature .
  . .
• Man can be-distinguished from animals by
  consciousness, by religion or anything else you
  like. They themselves begin to distinguish
  themselves from animals as soon as they begin to
  produce their means of subsistence, a step which
  is conditioned by their physical organizations.

46

• By producing their means of subsistence men are
  indirectly producing their actual material life.
  The way in which men produce their means of
  subsistence depends first of all on the nature of
  the actual means of subsistence they find in
  existence and have to produce. . . . The nature
  of individuals thus depends on the material
  conditions determining their production.

47
??????????

• Historical materialisml??????????????????????????
  ???? to understand human societies most fully,
  the key is the historical progression or
  development of these material conditions of
  production.?
• ?????????????????????????????????????????
• ?????Weber??????Weber????????????????

48
??????????

• ?????????????????????,??????????,?????????????????
  ???
• Marx clearly recognized that ideas or other
  aspects of the superstructure can at times be of
  independent importance in shaping the nature of
  human societies.

49
Superstructure????(??????????)
?????????????????????????????????????
the superstructure is shaped (but not completely
determined) by the substructure?
Substructure????(?????????)
50
Substructure???? Mode of production
Means of production the type of technology used
to produce goods
Relations of production the human relationships
within a given means of production.
51
Substructure???? Mode of production
Means of production capitalism
Relations of production the human relationships
under capitalism

1. the relationships between workers as dictated by
   the type of production. ????????(????????)
2. the dominance-submission relationships among
   workers and authorities(????????????)
3. the ownership and distribution of valued goods in
   the society.(??????????)

52
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• ????(????)??????????????????????
• ???????????????????????????
• ?????????????????????????????????

53
???????????????

• ??????????????????,???????????????????,???????????
  ?????????
• "The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch
  the ruling ideas i.e., the class which is the
  ruling material force of society, is at the same
  time its ruling intellectual force.

54
???????????

• the dominant normative system or ideology in a
  society is shaped and maintained by powerful
  group because it serves its interests.????????????
  ???????????????????????????
• ??????????????????????????????????????????,???????
  ??,??????????????????????

55
Social Change

• ??????????????????,????????????
• ???????????????????,???????????????????????????

56
The Marxian Model of SocialChange
Superstructure????(??????????)
Superstructure????(??????????)
?????????
????(?????????)????
Substructure????(?????????)
Substructure????(?????????)
57
The Marxian Model of SocialChange
Primitive communism
Ancient society (slavery)
Feudalism (land owned by nobility)
Capitalism (private ownership of the major means
of production).
Communism (collective ownership of means of
production)
58
?????????

• means of production???????
• relations of production????????????
• ??????,??????????????????????????superstructure???
  ?????????(??????????????????)?

59
?????????

• ??????
• (1) ??????Magna Carta in 1215, Cromwells
  revolution in the mid-1600s??????????
• ?????????????????????????,???????????????
• (2) ????1789

60
???????

• ?????????????????????????????
• ??????????????????????????????????????,??????????
  ????????????????????????

61
???????

• ?????????,????????,??????????????,????????????????
  ??,????????????????????????????,??????????????????
  ??????????????????????,???????????????????????????
  ???

62
??????????

• The Communist Manifesto, in 1848
• The history of all hitherto existing society is
  the history of class struggles. Free man and
  slave, patrician?? and plebeian??, lord and serf,
  guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor
  and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to
  one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now
  hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time
  ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution
  of society at large, or in the common ruin of the
  contending classes.

63
??????????

• ??????????????,???????????????????,??????????????
• ??????,????????the material condition
  determining their production,?????(mode of
  production)????????????????????????????????????

64
??????????

• ????????????,????????????
• Lord ??serf aristocracy ? ? peasant
• ??????????????
• Bourgeoisie (????????) ? ? Proletariat

65
??????????

• ????????????(The moving force in
  history)??????????, "the history of all hitherto
  existing society is the history of class
  struggles," or class conflict.
• ?????????????????????,??????????,?????????????????
  ??????,???????????

66
??????????

• ?????????????(a labor theory of value)??????????
  
• "The magnitude of the value of any article is the
  amount of labor socially necessary, or the
  labor-time socially necessary for its production"
  (see Anderson 1974 16)

67
??????????

• ?????????,????????????????,???????????????????????
  ?????????????
• surplus value is nothing but the difference
  between the value created by the worker and the
  cost of maintaining him.?????????????????????????
  ????????????

68
??????????

• ??????????????????????????????????????????????????
  ??????????????,????????????????
• The exploitative relationship of capitalism is
  extended by the 'production of capital itself. By
  capital is meant the factories, machines, or any
  goods used as a means to produce more goods.
  Thus, capital is stored-up, accumulated labor
  This stored-up labor or capital from past worker
  is used to produce even more surplus value for
  the capitalists' own profit, taking more and more
  profit from fewer and fewer workers.

69
??????????

• ?????????,????????????????,??????,????????????????
  
• In Marxs poetic terms, Capital is dead labor,
  that vampire-like, only lives by sucking living
  labor, and lives the more, the more labor it
  sucks (1906257).

70
??????????

• ????????????????????,???????????????,????????,???
  ???????????????????????????????????????????,??,???
  ????????????

71
??????????

• ????????????????,? a class in itself
  (???????,???????????????)??a class for itself?
• ????????????,???????????,?????????????????????????
  ?????,????????????

72
??

• ????????????????????,?????????????????????
• ??????????????,????????????????????????????
• ??????????????????????????????????????????????????
  

73
??

• ?????????????????????,???????????????????
• ?????????????????,????????????????????

74
???????

• ????-??

75
Max Weber ???????

• Weber???????????????????,?????
• (1) ????????????????????????,???????????
• (2) ???????????????????????????????(dominance)????
  

76
Max Weber ???????

• ??????????
• ????,????????????????
• ????
• ???????????????????????
• ?????-?????????(??)?????????????????Iron
  Cage???????

77
Max Weber ???????

• ??????????????????????,?????????????????????????,?
  ??
• (1) ???????????????????
• (2) ???????????????,????????

78
Max Weber ???????

• ????????????????,?????????????????????
• ????????????????,?????????????????????????????????
  ??
• ??????????????,??????????????????????????

79
Max Weber ???????

• Max Weber was born in Erfurt, Germany, in 1864
  and died in 1920.
• Weber had a homeland for he was a patriotic
  citizen of Germany who sought to understand his
  society so that it could be strengthened and
  humanized.
• his earliest professional work was an attempt to
  shed light on the problems of land ownership and
  utilization in this country.

80
Max Weber ???????

• hospital administrator during World War I,
• a delegate to the peace conference after World
  War I.
• consultant on many issues confronting the new
  German government during reconstruction.
• Weber grew more pessimistic about the prospect of
  reform, especially after the recurring bouts with
  extreme mental depressions that began with his
  father's death in 1897.
• his greatest works were completed after his
  recovery.

81
Max Weber ???????

• Weber grew up in an upper-middle-class family.
  His father was a lawyer who held several
  political positions.
• primarily pursued the life of a scholar and
  teacher within the academic hall. He held
  positions in a number of major German
  universities and was a central figure in the
  establishment of sociology as a respected
  academic discipline.

82
Max Weber ???????

• Weber was an early advocate of a value-free
  orientation in the study of society.
• Weber maintained that the social scientist's task
  is to understand human societies without the
  interference of political objectives.

83
Max Weber ???????

• Weber was advocating this value-free stance in
  order to shelter the new discipline of sociology
  from the political debates on both the left and
  the right .
• this value-free perspective guided his work by
  making him more concerned with what exists,
  rather than attempting to understand what could
  be .

84
Weber's Paradigm Assumptions

• many varied and differing group or individual
  interests could form the basis of conflict
  relationships in human societies.
• "Weber did not suggest that dominant persons act
  to integrate collectivities in the interest of
  effective functioning. Rather, he treated such
  individuals as acting in terms of their own ideal
  and material interests as they perceive them.

85
Weber's Paradigm Assumptions

• "A correct understanding of Weber's general
  sociology is impossible unless founded on a
  faithful reading of his theory of domination.

86
Weber's Paradigm Assumptions

• The base of conflict relations could be located
  in many differing types of interests (social,
  material, political, and so on). But, political
  or organizational conflict and dominance are more
  important.

87
Weber's Paradigm Assumptions

• 'Weber . . . came very close to what amounted to
  a transposition of Marx's monistic explanation
  from the economic to the political realm. One
  sees this most graphically where Weber describes
  the ongoing process of centralization of power in
  all fields of human activity war, education,
  economics, religion, and most crucial of all,
  politics" (Mitzman 1969 183-1 84).

88
Weber's value assumptions

• no end to conflict and domination, only changing
  forms or bases of conflict.
• a society always divided between those who ruled
  and those who were ruled.
• The interests behind this conflict and domination
  are viewed as more diverse, and he recognized
  that the means of domination must be
  distinguished from the interests or goals of
  domination.

89
Weber's value assumptions

• Weber saw that increasing population density and
  diversity resulted in the need for organization
  and coordination. And the most efficient means of
  achieving this organization was bureaucratic
  administration. It was for this reason that Weber
  came to view programs for radical alternatives to
  the present inequality and domination as hopeless
  (Mitzman 1969 185).

90
Multidimensional view of stratification

• (1) Weber's expanded view of economic or class
  divisions In addition to ownership versus
  nonownerip of the means of production, the social
  scientist must consider a person's more general
  relationship to the marketplace.
• (2) multidimensional aspect of social
  stratification Weber maintained that other
  important divisions exist within society,
  divisions that are at times independent of this
  class division class, status, and party (or
  power).

91
Webers class

• Weber We may speak of a class when (1) a number
  of people have in common a specific causal
  component of their life chances, insofar as, (2)
  this component is represented exclusively by
  economic interests in the possession of goods and
  opportunities for income, and (3) is represented
  under the conditions of the commodity or labor
  markets."

92
Webers class

• ??????(productive forces)????,?????(the skill
  level possessed by a worker)????????????
• ?????????????????An important expansion of Marx's
  view of class.
• ????????????????????????????????????????,?????????
  ???????????

93
Status

• Status honor or prestige In content, status
  honor is normally expressed by the fact that
  above all else a specific style of life can be
  expected from all those who wish to belong to the
  circle. Linked with this expectation are
  restrictions on social intercourse (Gerth and
  Mills 1946187).

94
Status

• ?????????????????(???????)?????????????the
  ability of someone to live up to some set of
  ideals or principle held important by the society
  or some social groups within it.
• ???????????????????????????????????????

95
Status

• ??????????restriction on social intercourse
• Status group tend to draw line among themselves,
  restricting intimate social interaction, marriage
  and other relations within the status group.
• where the consequences have been realized to
  their full extent, the status group evolves into
  a closed caste.

96
Status

• we will find how useful this status dimension of
  stratification is in understanding how powerful
  upper-class families have been able to keep
  wealth and power within their own group by status
  distinctions that hold the new rich at a distance.

97
Power

• Weber Whereas the genuine place of classes is
  within the economic order, the place of status
  groups is within the social order, that is,
  within the sphere of the distribution of honor.
  . . . But parties live in a house of power.
  Their action is oriented toward the acquisition
  of social power, that is to say, toward
  influencing a communal action no matter what its
  content may be.

98
Power

• The most important aspect of this party (or
  power) dimension of stratification is
  organization, or "rational order," and a staff
  with which to dominate or influence others for
  whatever goal.
• ??political party or the bureaucratic form of
  organization.

99
Power

• Where one stands with respect to the organized
  forms of dominance or power within the society
  defines one's position in this dimension of
  stratification.
• Weber came to stress this dimension as
  increasingly important in advanced industrial
  societies.

100
Power

• Weber saw all three dimensions as important
  hierarchies leading to the ranking of individuals
  or groups in human societies.
• However, they were not all of equal importance
  throughout the history of human societies.
• In the early stages of capitalism the class
  dimension was viewed as more important.
• In caste societies, the status dimension remained
  supreme.
• Weber saw that in modern societies the party or
  power dimension gained importance.

101
Power

• Weber considered all societies to have divisions
  based on all three dimensions of class, status,
  and party.
• Equally important, Weber saw that normally there
  would be a large degree of overlap among all
  three dimensions.

102
Power

• For those on top, this overlap adds to their
  overall strength within the stratification
  system.
• It is primarily in times of social change that
  these three dimensions can diverge most widely,
  leading to differing arenas (for class, status,
  and party) in which conflicts for advantage may
  be brought to the forefront.

103
Power

• he viewed conflict and domination as more
  pervasive and enduring than did Marx.
• For Weber, even if one aspect of conflict and
  inequality could ever be eliminated, others would
  remain, and perhaps become an even more important
  basis for inequality and conflict. (read Animal
  Farm)

104
Power

• Weber's view of conflict was broader than that of
  Marx.
• It was partly for this reason that Weber was less
  hopeful than critical-conflict theorists that
  inequality, conflict, and domination could ever
  be substantially overcome.

105
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• ?????????????????????????????????
• Large bureaucratic organizations are seen as
  dehumanizing, alienating, inefficient, and
  encroaching upon valued human freedoms.
• But in spite of all the denunciations,
  complaints, and political rhetoric, no one has
  been able to do much toward solving the problem.

106
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• Everyone seems to want less government, but a
  wide collection of interest groups also wants a
  strong military, better economic planning,
  protection for business in the face of foreign
  competition, better prices for farmers, less
  crime, protection from pollution and unsafe
  consumer products, and so on. The sum total of
  all these interest group demands is more
  government and bureaucratic regulation.
• It must be recognized that the many problems
  flowing from large and complex societies such as
  ours require some means of corrective action
  this invariably results in expanded bureaucracies.

107
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• Max Weber, at the turn of the century, clearly
  recognized the future growth and increasing
  influence of rational-legal forms of social
  organization-that is, bureaucracies.
• By the later 1800s, Weber could already see how
  the state bureaucracy was growing in response to
  interest group demands for protection, primarily
  from powerful capitalists (DiMaggio and Powell
  1983).
• And Max Weber recognized the human costs of this
  condition. Weber foresaw what he called a growing
  iron cage that people were building for
  themselves but he foresaw no solution to this
  situation

108
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• three principal ideal types of legitimate
  authority
• rational-legal authority, "resting on a belief in
  the 'legality' of patterns of normative rules and
  the right of those elevated to authority under
  such rules to issue commands"
• traditional authority, "resting on an established
  belief in the sanctity of immemorial traditions
  and the legitimacy of the status of those
  exercising authority under them
• charismatic authority, "resting on devotion to
  the specific and exceptional sanctity, heroism,
  or exemplary character of an individual person,
  and of the normative patterns or order revealed
  or ordained by him."

109
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• Weber saw rational-legal authority as the most
  efficient for modern societies.
• Traditional authority was primarily of earlier
  times and began falling with the breakdown of
  feudalism in the face of rising
  industrialization.
• Charismatic authority is only temporary it comes
  with a revolt against the old status quo led by
  an influential personality (such as Jesus,
  Lenin). Once a new authority structure is
  established after successful revolt, charismatic
  authority gives way to one of the other, more
  stable, types.

110
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• of six main characteristics of bureaucracy
• 1). There is the principle of fixed and official
  jurisdictional areas, which are generally ordered
  by rules that is, by laws or administrative
  regulations.
• 2). The principles of office hierarchy and of
  graded authority mean a firmly ordered system of
  superordination and subordination in which there
  is a supervision of the lower offices by the
  higher ones.
• 3). The management of the modern office is based
  on written documents.

111
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• 4). Office management . . . usually presupposes
  thorough and expert training.
• 5). When the office is fully developed, official
  activity demands the full working capacity of the
  official. Formerly, official business was
  discharged as a secondary activity.
• 6). The management of the office follows general
  rules, which are more or less stable and more or
  less exhaustive, and which can be learned.

112
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• Weber believed this form of social organization
  was far superior to any other (in terms of a
  rational means to goals), and would therefore
  come to exclude all others.
• ''The fully developed bureaucratic mechanism
  compares with other organizations exactly as does
  the machine with the non-mechanical modes of
  production" (Gerth and Mills 1946214). The
  "precision, speed, unambiguity, knowledge of the
  files, continuity, discretion, unity, strict
  subordination, reduction of friction and of
  material and personal costs, and calculatable
  rules" are all among the reasons cited by Weber
  for the superiority of the bureaucratic form of
  organization.

113
The Rise of Bureaucratic Domination

• ????,????????????????????????????????????????(see
  Skocpol1979).
• ?????????????????????(the superiority of
  bureaucracy as a rational means of organization)
• ????????????(The goals for which this means is
  applied may be irrational with respect to
  differing interests within the society ).

114
Permanence of bureaucracy

• Once it is fully established, bureaucracy is
  among those social structures which are the
  hardest to destroy. . . . And where the
  bureaucratization of administration has been
  completely carried through, a form of power
  relation is established that is practically
  unshatterable (Gerth and Mills 1946228).
• ?????????????????????????????????,???????????,????
  ?????????(Gerth and Mills 1946229).

115
Permanence of bureaucracy

• ??????????????????
• Because bureaucratic organization is a form, or
  means, of control, it implies the existence of?
  conflict (see Collins 1975289).
• ????????????????,?????????If one group, such as
  an economic class, fascist party, or small
  communist organization, is able to gain control
  or influence over established bureaucratic
  organization, the power of this group is greatly
  increased.

116
Weber???????????

• ????????
• ????,????????????
• Functional theorists have tended to stress the
  status dimension of Weber's multidimensional
  view. Strata or class divisions, they maintain,
  flow from the need people have to evaluate and
  rank others in terms of a dominant value system
  (see especially Parsons 1951,1970).
• ??????????????????functional theorists have
  tended to stress a continuous class ranking
  rather than more rigid class divisions. This
  means that functionalists have emphasized
  occupational status.

117
Weber???????????

• Status consistency
• the functional view of an integrated social
  system, if the social system is to be healthy,
  the various dimensions of social stratification
  should show at least a minimum of convergence.
  It is believed that if some degree of convergence
  between stratification dimensions (such as
  occupational status, education, income) is not
  achieved, tensions, conflicts, and confusion will
  be the result-for the general society as well as
  for individuals within it.

118
Weber???????????

• ????????
• ??????????????????????????????????????????????????
  ???the importance of the state and other
  bureaucratic form of dominance in providing the
  upper class with an added means to maintain their
  position .

119
???????

• ????-???

120
The Functional Theory of Emile Durkheim

• ????????????????(holistic view)??????,???????????,
  ?????????????????
• ??????,??????????????????,????????????????????????
  ????????

121
The Functional Theory of Emile Durkheim

• ?????????????????????????,??????????????????this
  reform "has for its object, not to make an ethic
  completely different from the prevailing one, but
  to correct the latter, or partially to improve
  it" (Durkheim 196435-36).

122
The Functional Theory of Emile Durkheim

• ?????????????????x??????????????????????,????????
  ?consistent theme that social order is possible
  only when human nature is restrained though a
  morality represented in the collective force of a
  dominant normative system.

123
About Durkheim

• ?????1858???,????????(rabbi),????,?????????????,??
  ???????????
• ????????????????????????????????????????
• ????Bordeaux (1887-1902)?Sorbonne
  (1902-1917)???????????????????,?????????????????

124
About Durkheim

• ?????????????He saw his role as that of the
  detached scholar providing ideas toward a future
  moral integration of the newly emerging
  industrial society.

125
Organic analogy

• ????????????organic analogy
• ??????biological organismThere are various
  organs or parts within this social system that
  serve different functions for the health and
  maintenance of the total society.
• This organic analogy lead to focus on the social
  system as a whole (holistic perspective) and on
  the interrelation of its parts rather than on
  divisions and opposed interests among groups
  within the society. (?????????(??????)????????????
  ??????,?????????????)

126
Organic analogy

• morality was the centre and the end of his work
• ???????????????????????
• ?????,?????????,??????????????????????????????????
  ?,?????????????????

127
Organic analogy

• ??????????????????????????????????????????????????
  ?????,???????????????????????,???????????????????
  ?????????

128
The Division of Labor and Organic Solidarity

• ??????????
• ???????,???????????--????????????????????
• ?????,?????????societies must move from
  mechanical sdidarity (the moral order in
  preindustrial societies) to organic solidarity in
  industrial societies.

129
The Division of Labor and Organic Solidarity

• This organic solidarity was possible, he
  believed, through occupational organizations or
  guilds. It was reasoned that within each of the
  many occupational guilds, moral principles could
  be established regarding the rights and duties of
  workers and employers. This new type of moral
  order could restrain the selfish interests for
  the good of the larger society (see Durkheim
  1964).

130
The Division of Labor and Organic Solidarity

• His concern, his model of society, was so
  dominated by a holistic image that the divisions
  (such as classes) that may exist within this
  society were easily neglected.
• Durkheim saw two types of inequality
• external inequality inequality based on
  birth--ascribed status
• internal inequality inequalities based on
  individual talent -- achieved status

131
The Division of Labor and Organic Solidarity

• ?????????????????????,?????????????????(?????)?
• A meritocracy based on equality of
  opportunityhe believed an inequality based on
  merit was needed.
• ????????????????,?????(solidarity)????????????????
  ?????????????,??????????????,????????????

132
?????????????????

• Durkheim dealt with the existence of class and
  class conflict by dismissing them as unnatural
  "If the division of labor produces conflict, it
  is either because society is in a transitional
  state of development, or because of the existence
  of a pathological condition of social order"
  (Giddens 1978 114).
• ??????????????????????????????????????????????????
  ??????????????????

133
??????????

• "For Durkheim, the state is above all a moral
  agency, which concentrates within itself the
  values of the broader social community. . . .
  Again, a biological parallel is used the state
  is the 'brain,' the coordinating mechanism of the
  social organism (Giddens 1978 1 15).
• Durkheim never considered that the state could be
  a mechanism for maintaining the dominance of one
  class over others.

134
???????????????

• With respect to dominant norms and values, or the
  moral order, it did not occur to Durkheim that
  this moral order itself could be a mechanism of
  dominance by one class over others (see Strasser
  1976 122).
• For Durkheim the moral integration of society
  served the interests of all in the society.
• But for conflict theorists, these norms and
  values, when internalized by the lower classes,
  can work to maintain their support for a system
  in which their interests are subordinated to the
  interests of the dominant class.