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Open method of coordination versus ?

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Title: Open method of coordination versus ?


1
Open method of coordination versus ?
  • Robert Salais
  • Fellow at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu
    BerlinCONNEX Mid-term ConferenceMannheim,
    MZES, 3-5 November 2005

2
Information as the basis for coordination
  • Data (quantitative or qualitative) are not facts
    of nature, but social facts ? Information is
    built up, produced and selected
  • Reports, data, analysis, standards of
    evaluation, indicators, EC recommendations are
    the hard objects of the OMC imposing an
    informational basis for social policies
  • A wide neglect in political science ( and
    probably in many others social sciences)
  • A market-led shift of the relevant informational
    basis for economic and social policies in Europe
    from the unemployment rate toward the employment
    rate

3
Two simple examples
  • First example (EC)
  • Does the fact that the 2001 female employment
    rate in the UK (65) is higher than in France
    (56) means that the employment situation is
    better for women in the UK than in France?
  • Second example (ILO)
  • Does the fact that the percentage of
    trade-union membership is very low in France
    (compared with other countries) means that there
    is almost no trade-union freedom in France?
  • WHAT HAVE THESE EXAMPLES IN COMMON?

4
There are four problems (or confusions) at the
basis of the OMC
  • A scientific problem
  • Measurement ? Evaluation
  • Positivist belief is different from searching the
    truth of a given social situation
  • An instrumental problem
  • Increasing performance ? Improving the situation
    under review
  • A normative problem
  • Technical choice ? Collective search of a
    normative compromise
  • Has optimal management something in common with
    pluralism and deliberative democracy?
  • A methodological problem
  • What matters as a point of departure for relevant
    research?
  • The formal functioning of multi-level procedures
    as ends in themselves,
  • Or what effective outcomes European politics
    brings to European citizens with regards to their
    basic aspirations?

5
Transparency and comparability are not so simple
  • Data and information come from a production chain
    whose each step is a social process (meaning that
    it is in-depth embedded in specific national,
    social, material and institutional factors)
    (Desrosières, Thévenot, Salais).
  • These factors (differing from time and place)
    are
  • indigenous categories of perception of social
    phenomena
  • normative expectations within social groups or
    countries with regards to state intervention
  • social questionnaires, nomenclatures and
    categories
  • the formatting of statistics by law and welfare
    policies
  • the manipulation of the management rules of
    public agencies.
  • To be able to draw relevant political conclusions
    from the OMC methodology, data and information
    should be adjusted in order to be based in the
    same institutional, legal and cognitive rules.

6
Comparing and putting into competition what is
not comparable
  • In brief, the EC, through the OMC, compares what
    is not comparable.
  • The EC acts as if homogeneity was achieved and a
    unique European space created with common rules,
    institutions and understandings,
  • However this is not the case, the OMC (and all
    European tools) having precisely the purpose to
    make progress toward these truly long term
    objectives.
  • The gap between European and national categories
    is a reality, materially incorporated into
    situations, institutions, actions, expectations.
    Such reality cannot be eliminated.
  • Hence there exists a basic internal contradiction
    within the OMC. In my view this explains the OMC
    instrumentalisation by national governments and
    the Commission.

7
From internal contradiction to instrumentalising
policies
  • The fact to deny the existence of this gap, as
    does the OMC, leads to instrumentalising
    policies
  • Policy makers act not on market and employment
    realities, but directly on information concerning
    these realities
  • This is no more than strategic action applied to
    the functioning of monitoring tools. Far from
    eradicating strategic action, monitoring
    exacerbates it.
  • Policy makers progressively enter a process of
    rationally designing self-referring policies
  • quantitatively (through optimising indicators)
  • or qualitatively (in selecting good practices
    and present them through their best profile).
  • This leads to policies and schemes that offer the
    best return in terms of the performances expected
    by the EC.
  • Do these policies and schemes, except
    occasionally or by chance, improve the situations
    of the people concerned?
  • Many examples quoted or not in Zeitlin and
    Pochet, 2005 the Netherlands (Visser), France
    (Barbier, Salais), the UK, Germany (Hartz
    measures?).

8
Questions for the future
  • In brief, the OMC seems a sophisticated version
    of the Rawlsian veil of ignorance to organise
    the collective choice
  • Citizens are taken at distance
  • Policy makers believe they are not ignorant
    however they are
  • For they have no true knowledge about the
    situation and the options under choice, only
    preformatted and monitoring information.
  • Alternatives foundations for a European political
    method or How to implant deliberative democracy
    in a world of strategic actors?
  • Cognitive objective Evaluation
  • Political objective Really improving the
    situations under review
  • Procedural objective How to organise the
    collective search of a normative compromise and
    its revision (or adjustment)
  • Research question How to de-construct and
    construct alternatives informational bases of the
    social situations of European citizens with
    regards to their basic aspirations
  • If so, will the OMC remain the OMC or would it be
    replaced by something different and to invent?

9
(No Transcript)
10
From the governance of heterogeneity to a
politics of diversity?
11
The EES as proxy of a rational cooperative game
  • Benchmarking serves to politically monitor the
    EES and not to economically evaluate its
    outcomes.
  • Take the Commission and the member states as the
    players. The aim of the game is to maximise
    performance, based on the European tools used to
    measure it. Actors know in advance the formatting
    of future evaluation of their actions. Insofar as
    any learning outcome takes place, it is of a
    rational order and likely to affect the
    procedure. Cooperation consists, for each member
    state, in manipulating the rules of its own
    measures and their implementation to meet the
    requirements of European indicators and
    guidelines. It is not a collective action aimed
    at genuinely improving employment in Europe.
  • Due the limited competences given to the European
    level, member states are not held responsible for
    a substantial improvement in European employment,
    nor do they feel themselves accountable to such
    improvement when they define their employment
    policy actions. The only constraint is that they
    have agreed and this commitment derives from
    the management by objectives of the OMC to be
    accountable vis-à-vis the Commission with regard
    to their scores over the whole set of indicators.
  • All the EES actors (the Commission included) have
    albeit for differing reasons a political
    interest in arguing and publicly declaring that
    the EES is a valuable European achievement. Each
    party behaves in a manner designed to exhibit
    measurable progress. The behaviour in question
    has to be described to others (exchange of good
    practice) and made public (this being the
    purpose of the Joint Annual Employment Report).

12
In other words,
  • To what extent is it conceivable to assimilate
  • A neighbourhood community aiming at collectively
    improve its local police (Sabel ideal-type)
  • And
  • A system of national and supranational actors
    superlatively trained into strategic action and
    bargaining?
  • Footnote Due the limited competences given to
    the European level, member states are not held
    responsible for a substantial improvement in
    European employment, nor do they feel themselves
    accountable to such improvement when they define
    their employment policy actions. The only
    constraint is that they have agreed and this
    commitment derives from the management by
    objectives of the OMC to be accountable
    vis-à-vis the Commission with regard to their
    national scores over the whole set of indicators.
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