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The Future of Europe

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The European growth prospects: what are we expecting? Prof. Carluccio Bianchi Universit di Pavia La crisi dei debiti sovrani e le prospettive dell'Italia – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: The Future of Europe


1
The European growth prospects what are we
expecting? Prof. Carluccio Bianchi Università
di Pavia
La crisi dei debiti sovrani e le prospettive
dell'Italia
2
A deep and long recession
  • The European Union (EU) as a whole and the
    Eurozone in particular experienced a period of
    heavy downturn and prolonged economic slowdown
    after the Great Crisis first and the European
    sovereign debt crisis afterwards.
  • Next graphs show the dynamics of GDP growth, of
    the unemployment rate and of the investment ratio
    in the USA, the EU28, the Eurozone and the UK,
    whose performance was definitely better than the
    average of EU countries.

3
The growth performance
4
The unemployment rates
5
The investment rates
6
A two-speed Eurozone
  • Within the EMU, however, a divergent performance
    characterizes core central countries (mainly
    Germany, and excluding France) with regards to
    peripheral (GIPSI) countries.
  • Next graphs show the recent dynamics of GDP
    growth and of the unemployment rate in Germany
    versus the GIPSI countries.

7
A two-speed EZ
8
A two-speed EZ
9
Fiscal policy and growth
  • The different economic performance between
    countries after the Great Crisis and within EZ
    member States after the European sovereign debt
    crisis is of course mainly due to the different
    stance of fiscal policy.
  • In the USA and in the UK Government deficits
    were allowed to widen greatly immediately after
    the Great Crisis and then fiscal retrenchment was
    a slow still-ongoing process.
  • In the EU, but especially in the Eurozone,
    fiscal policy was at first weakly expansionary,
    because of the EU Treaties constraints, but then
    pro-cyclical fiscal consolidations were required
    to peripheral countries during the sovereign debt
    crisis.
  • The process is still continuing, albeit at a
    slower pace.

10
The Government deficits
11
Austerity vs growth
  • The EMU situation has been, and still is,
    conditioned by the European orthodox attitude
    towards economic policy, according to which
    monetary policy should aim to price stability
    only and fiscal policy to balanced budgets.
  • The austerity measures taken had a strong
    negative impact on growth and unemployment. The
    triggered recession, then, increased Government
    spending, decreased taxation revenues and thus
    increased the deficit/GDP and the debt/GDP
    ratios.
  • Therefore austerity led to pro-cyclical fiscal
    policies, which reduced growth rates and required
    new austerity measures.
  • The simultaneous reduction in deficits of all
    countries amplified the negative effects of
    austerity on member countries.

12
The crisis spiral
13
The contradictions of austerity
  • When the output gap worsens, the Government
    deficit (or borrowing requirement) increases
    (because expenditures rise and taxes fall).
  • Let us label e as the responsiveness (sometimes
    also called elasticity) of the public budget to
    the output gap (og). Then it will be Dbre ?og,
    where br is the deficit/GDP ratio.
  • e will depend on the type and burden of the
    taxation system and on the type and extension of
    the Social Welfare system.
  • In the case of Italy it is believed that e is
    approximately equal to 0.5. Obviously e is higher
    in Nordic-Scandinavian countries, a bit higher in
    core Continental Europe and lower in the UK and
    in the Mediterranean countries.
  • In the case of Italy, then, if ceteris paribus
    the growth rate of GDP, and thus the output gap,
    falls by 2, then the public deficit will worsen
    by 1.

14
The contradictions of austerity
  • To evaluate the possible effects of a fiscal
    restraint on income, it is useful to refer to the
    income multiplier (m), whereby
  • Dym ?DBR.
  • The multiplier is equal to
    with regards to direct Gvt. expenditure and to
    with regards to taxation or
    transfers (with a positive sign).
  • In Italy approximately we have c0.8, t0.4 and
    m0.4. This means that the expenditure multiplier
    is about 1.1 and the tax multiplier 0.9, i.e. not
    very different from 1.
  • Multipliers not very different from 1 seem to
    characterize the average EU situation.

15
The contradictions of austerity
  • Hence, since Dym ?DBR, we may write that
    DyDBR, and
  • It follows that a budget restraint of 2.5 will
    determine a fall in the growth rate of GDP
    substantially by the same amount.
  • But then, since Dbre ?og, the fall in g (and
    thus the increase in the output gap) of 2.5 will
    determine a worsening of the budget by half, i.e.
    1.25
  • This in turn will require new austerity measures
    of the same amount (1.25), which in turn will
    imply a further fall in the growth rate by half
    (.625) and a new worsening of the public budget,
    requiring new restrictive measures.

16
The contradictions of austerity
  • The just described process implies smaller and
    smaller reductions in the growth rate until a new
    equilibrium is reached with a stable GDP
    (actually a GDP rise in line with potential GDP
    growth).
  • Summing up all GDP declines, starting from an
    initial reduction of 2.5, one gets an overall
    loss of 5, possibly distributed over several
    years.
  • Thus, a fiscal restraint implies a feed-back
    effect through GDP reduction on the Government
    budget, that hampers the assumed recovery of the
    economic system, which might never take place,
    especially if restrictive measures are taken by
    several countries together.

17
The contradictions of austerity
  • Indeed experience shows that the EZ fiscal
    restraints had the expected effects on GDP, but
    the opposite, unintended effects on the dynamics
    of the public debt/GDP ratios.

18
The EU growth prospects
  • As we saw before, after the disappointing 2014
    results (0.8 in the EZ and 1.2 in the EU), GDP
    growth is supposed to regain momentum this year
    (1.1-1.5 in the EZ and 1.7-2 in the EU) and
    improve further in 2016 (2.1 in the EZ and 2.6
    in the EU).
  • This more favourable growth dynamics rests on 4
    main factors
  • 1) the reduced price of oil and energy
  • 2) the ECB QE effects
  • 3) the depreciation of the euro
  • 4) more accommodative fiscal policies in member
    countries.

19
The EU growth prospects
  • There are however downside risks due
  • 1) political conflicts (Russia/Ukraine and IS
    threat in the Middle-East)
  • 2) financial instability connected to the
    solution of the Greek bailout
  • 3) less favourable effects of the QE (there is
    evidence, for instance, that the Italian banks
    are using the liquidity granted by the ECB to buy
    German bonds rather than make loans)
  • 4) a more pronounced and possibly longer period
    of price deflation, leading to a change in
    inflationary expectations
  • 5) slowdown in the growth process of emerging
    economies
  • 6) a new stock market downturn after the
    relatively high P/E ratios recently reached
  • 7) slowly-proceeding effects of the recent
    structural reforms in many EU countries
  • 8) the sword of Damocles of the Fiscal Compact.

20
The EU growth prospects
  • Anyway the current growth forecasts are
    insufficient to eliminate the negative output gap
    inherited from the past.

21
The problem of the Fiscal Compact
  • According to the agreements made, the FC rules
    should have started in 2015. However it was also
    established that for countries that incurred in
    the EDP, compliance to the Pact should begin 2
    years after the closure of the EDP for instance,
    in the case of Italy, the FC should start in
    2016.
  • According to the recent Italian DEF, compliance
    to the Pact is postponed to 2018, when the
    overall Government budget would be balanced, more
    or less in line with the structural budget.
  • The dynamics of the Government primary and
    overall financial balances implied by the most
    recent DEF and compliance to the Pact are shown
    in the next graph.

22
Italys problems with the Fiscal Compact
23
The problem of the Fiscal Compact
  • Since in 2014 the deficit is at 3 and the
    primary surplus at 1.6, and in 2015 the figures
    would not change for the primary surplus, but
    only slightly for the overall balance, thanks to
    the reduction in interest payments, one can
    wonder how the required primary surplus of 3.8
    can be reached in 2018 (2.2 percentage points
    higher), with no effect on the growth rate,
    assumed to remain constant around 1.1-1.2.
  • Furthermore the graph shows that in the path
    towards the 60 target of the public debt/GDP
    ratio, the decline in interest payments would
    lead to the transformation of the current deficit
    in a surplus that would finally reach 2 of GDP.
    This dynamics, still required by the FC rule in
    order to reduce the debt/GDP ratio to the
    reference value of 60, would imply a budget
    surplus even excessive in relation to what is
    required by the Treaty itself (balanced
    structural budget or deficit equal to 0.5).

24
A new framework for Europe
  • If EMU countries can return to a stable
    satisfactory growth path, the architecture of the
    Eurozone must be changed, introducing the
    following novelties
  • ECB mandate to care both about unemployment and
    price stability and to attribute her the function
    of lender of last resort with no constraints
  • Centralized fiscal policy, with a federal budget
    of an adequate size, federal transfers,
    discretionary counter-cyclical fiscal policy
    aimed to increase public investments financed
    with the issue of Eurobonds (EIB)
  • Risk-sharing authority to guarantee bank
    depositors and creditors
  • Pooling of national debts, at least at the
    Maastricht threshold level
  • Use of real indicators of divergence (such as
    current account imbalances) in order to impose
    symmetric adjustments on deviating member States
    and require surplus countries to expand aggregate
    demand (as in the Six-Pack agreements).
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