Title: Week 3'2 Participative Democracy
1Week 3.2 Participative Democracy
- Interest Groups and Civil Society
2SCC goal for participation
- the coming of a Scottish Parliament will usher
in a way of politics that is radically different
from the rituals of Westminster more
participative, more creative, less needlessly
confrontational
3New Politics - SCC
- the participation of more people and groups
- a style of politics which is consensual or
non-confrontational - fostered by a more open and accessible
parliament - a mechanism to allow people to petition
parliament - a statutory requirement for the executive to
consult widely before legislating. - I.e. avoiding limited consultation with the
usual suspects
4Furthered by the CSG
- People find it difficult to influence
legislation, with consultation ineffective and
policies only becoming public following the
publication of legislation.
5Recommendations
- Greater use of draft Bills still open to change
- Committee role in ensuring wide consultation
- A civic forum as a focus for civil society
- A system for the receipt of public petitions, to
ensure public initiation of policy as well as a
response to it - An open and accessible Scottish Parliament
- Different channels of consultation to be
considered e.g. social partnerships, consensus
conferences, citizen juries, opinion polling
6Initial points on these aims
- Hopes and Dreams Scotland not alone.
- Strawman critique of a strawman critique?
- SCC picture of old Westminster things are not
that different in the UK - The treatment of the SCC aims as naïve
7Initial criticism of SCC strawman
- There are always winners and losers, with hard
choices required - No amount of rational or consensual decision
making will change this - Consensus seeking stifles debate
- No demonstrated link between process and
participation - Some aims incompatible e.g. devolving decisions
to civic forum undermines accountability through
elections
8Jordan and Stevenson
- If too many claims made for participative
democracy at the unjustified expense of
representation (based on popular cynicism around
party politics), then faith in both is undermined - Focus on usual suspects and wider consultation
underestimates level of UK consultation - Little discussion of direct participation - do
the participants pursue their self-interest or
the general interest?
9 - Why privilege excluded groups - If the small
groups are relabelled as not popular the
arguments sound less compelling - New bias towards a small, conservative,
unrepresentative but active group? Is this better
than a mass electorate choosing representatives? - The real problem was the democratic deficit
solved by devolution. Ballot box closer to home
aids representation.
10SCC strawman
- Alternative is to see SCC document as a manifesto
- Focus on only positives - less partisanship, more
public involvement - Focussed rather than naïve
- Partisanship doesnt completely undermine aims
- Look for marginal change/ improvements
11Marginal changes?
- How much new participation has been fostered by
the Scottish Civic Forum? - What effect has the provision of a clear
petitions system made? - To what extent have previously excluded groups
entered the policy process? - What is the effect of an open and responsive
Scottish Executive obliged to consult widely on
group-government relations?
12The Scottish Civic Forum
- Widespread lack of respect of SCF in Scottish and
NE groups - Talking shop charge, with groups seeking more
direct channels - Useful for individuals and less well established
groups, regional arms of larger Scottish/ UK
group - Established groups perhaps not best judge
- How about director of SCF?
13SCF Director
- Funding 80 from Scottish Executive, running
out. - Level of Participation difficult to get 50
people in a room. To achieve around 15 needs
phone-call reminders and often transporting
people to meetings. - Links with Scottish Parliament sporadic, often
undermined by partisanship. List MSPS more
likely. - Links with the Scottish Executive formal and
informal. Scottish Executive commissions work
but cultural difference of expectations. - Measuring success difficult to research
14Public Petitions
- Westminster petitions procedure remote/ vague
- Scottish change linking the Scottish Parliament
to the people - 616 1st session, over 800 now
- What does the Public Petitions Committee do with
them? Redirect, investigate? - PPC changed its approach after 1st year. It had
a choice
15CSG Inquiry
- Was the PPC simply a post-box, reflexively
feeding petitions where appropriate to subject
committees for consideration, or was it able to
take a more active initial role itself in looking
critically at petitions? The PPC view had settled
on the latter, with the result that 57 per cent
of petitions referred to subject committees in
the first year of the Parliament, but only 17 per
cent in the second
16Who proposes them?
- International experience suggests used by groups/
business as part of wider strategy - 40 from groups in 1st 2 years
- But many from less well established community
groups - Most from individuals (although note the effect
of serial petitioners) - So on the whole used by those intended
17Effect of petitions?
- Procedures Committee suggests not to expect too
much petitions as a form of agenda setting
(e.g. sewage issue) - Borders rail campaign, hepatitis C petitions
perhaps prompting other inquiries - Petitions feed into other inquiries and wider
agendas e.g. section 28/ 2a, stock transfer in
Glasgow (effect uncertain)
18Petition Problems
- High expectations?
- Finding time in subject committees
- Time lag
- Lack of time given to address PPC (3 minutes
plus) - Public knowledge of system
19Interest Groups and Participation
20SCC hopes?
- Better and more frequent access for groups
- A more open consultation process (with a clear
link between group effort and the end result?) - Consultation with a wider range of groups than
the usual suspects - Involvement from previously excluded groups
21Initial qualifications
- The idea that group-government relations in the
UK is a closed world does not fit with the
evidence. The barriers to entry for most groups
are very low. - There is a logic to regular consultation with the
same groups these groups have resources
valuable to government (information, advice, the
ability to implement policy, etc). - We need to be careful when talking about excluded
groups why necessarily think that e.g. the
opinions of small and relatively disorganised
groups are more valuable than existing
participants
22Evidence is a mixed picture
- Most groups are much happier with post-devolution
arrangements. Access is better and more regular.
- They would say that, wouldnt they? - many
respondents were associated with the push for
devolution and have a vested interest in making
the process work. - Maybe groups compare their access with the access
they enjoyed as a neglected Scottish arm of a UK
organisation. - Maybe they enjoy better access than they had, not
the main organisation had. - Is this solved by addressing the democratic
deficit, not new politics? - Recent UK evidence is similar - e.g. use of email
has improved levels of contact - Approximately half of the relevant Scottish
groups were part of a larger organisation
23Types of group in Scotland, 1998
I.e. largest proportion is UK with Scottish
branch. Type of group crucial how power and
resources devolved to Scottish arm?
24Wider influence of groups?
- No easier to find in Scotland
- There will always be winners and losers
- Large groups complain about the small group
influence suggests pluralism? - Wider consultation means usual suspects find
other ways to influence government e.g.
pre-consultation, working group membership - Why? Logic of certain consultations
25Interest Group Study Brief picture
- Significant shift of group focus
- Positive image of Scottish Parliament and
Scottish Executive - Easier access
- Plurality a more open, accessible and healthy
policy process. - Substantive debate rather than lobbying
- More dialogue between e.g. economic/ social
groups - Networks of groups developing eg gang of 5
- Groups tend to hedge their bets (changed now?)
- Possibility of better access or influence
(compared to UK) for certain groups timber,
meat, fish, etc.
26Qualifications
- MSP and Scottish Executive inexperience
- Scottish Parliament/ Scottish Executive
relationship unclear. - Pluralism means sharing access
- Consultation does not mean negotiation
- Consultation fatigue/ resource constraints.
- Different groups, different policy areas
27Some Group Differences
- Business groups initially opposed to devolution -
relationship has taken time to develop. - Social groups and trade unions already had a good
relationship Labour since 1997, vocal on
devolution and built on relationships
immediately. - Strong social policy agenda immediately following
devolution. This meant that some groups were
more likely to seek and gain access. Since 2003
there has been some shift to economic issues
perhaps at the expense of social.
28Accessing MSPs
- No problems of access
- Some complaint from SCDI about committee turnover
- If anything groups say they are relied on too
much - Perhaps similar to picture painted by Jordan and
Richardson of UK MPs the relationship mostly
benefits MPs needing information
29Ministers
- Increased contact
- 3-12 formal meetings per year for key players
- Seeing a UK minister was like gaining an
audience with the Pope - Ministerial meetings often an unnecessary bonus?
- 2nd term difference less political weight
behind implementation?
30Civil service
- Some feel civil servants are flanking ministers
- Others that civil service is the best to deal
with day-to-day - Easy email/ telephone contact
- Many groups discuss pre-consultation
31The Quality of Access
- 1st round
- Devolution has produced more concern with the
substance of policy, as opposed merely to
lobbying for resources - The policy process is more open and consultative
than before - However, they don't know if consultation will
make a real difference. Many are adopting a "wait
and see" position
32Summary of 2nd round or 2nd term differences
- Business groups under less pressure
- The significant role of the TUC and unions has
been institutionalised - Some voluntary sector groups are concerned about
their relative lack of access in the second term.
- Ministers delegating decisions
33If time left
- Example of smoking
- Huge consultation suggests public participation?
Or certain sections? - Public opinion against total ban? Does political
leadership therefore undermine or legitimise
democracy? - Working groups produced main plans?
- Key public health groups the driver?