Contextual Influences on Scalar Implicatures

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Contextual Influences on Scalar Implicatures

• Arjen Zondervan
• Uiltjesdagen Apr. 17 2007

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The Scalar Implicature (SI) of or

• In natural language, or sometimes means and/or
  (inclusive or A or B means only A, only B or
  both)
• But or also sometimes means either or (exclusive
  or A or B means only A, only B, but not both).
• Standard theory or itself is inclusive or, and
  exclusive or comes about by scalar implicature.
• Speaker says John bought a newspaper or a
  magazine.
• Hearer thinks
• - If the situation is such that John bought both,
  the speaker could have used the stronger and.
• - The speaker is trying to be as informative as
  possible.
• Therefore John did not buy both.
• Complete meaning of sentence John bought a
  newspaper or a magazine, but not both. (excl.
  or)

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Kroegtijger of salestijger? (Bar-tiger or
sales-tiger?)

• If you are a sales-tiger, we have a great job for
  you!
• Winner or loser?
• If you are at least one of these things, we have
  a great job for you!
• Stressed or overworked?

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My question

• We know some structural properties of sentences
  cancel SIs
• Downward Entailment (DE) negation, antecedent of
  conditional
• Modality Who is available? John or Bill.
  (Free Choice)
• He has to overtake John or Bill.
• But also in non-DE sentences, the SI is sometimes
  absent.
• (Lower-bound contexts)
• A Is there any evidence against them?
• B Some of their documents are forgeries.
  (Levinson 2000)

Which properties of the context cause the SI to
be present/absent?
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First guess QUD and focus

• QUD Who / which man had A or B?
• A JohnF had A or B.
• What is questioned by the QUD is the subject
  (who).
• The answering part therefore is the subject of
  the answer (John). This is indicated by focus
  (new information).
• In the answer, or is not in the subject (the
  answering part).
• Therefore no SI so inclusive or (A, B, or
  both).
• QUD What / which thing does John have?
• A John has A or BF.
• or is in the answering part as the object (what)
  is questioned.
• Therefore SI so exclusive or (A or B but not
  both).

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First results

• Cond. 1
• Harry and Hermione were going to a party of a
  Joost, a friend of theirs. Joost had asked
  everyone in advance to bring bread or potato
  chips. He said that everyone who would bring
  bread or potato chips, would get in for free.
  When Harry and Hermione arrived, Joost was at the
  door, checking who brought bread or chips.
• Pilot 1 Harry brought bread or chips, but
  Hermione didnt.
• Pilot 2 Only Harry brought bread or chips.
• Cond. 2
• Harry was going to a party of a (female) friend
  of his. He had promised to bring some snacks for
  the party. His friend was hoping he would bring
  some nuts, as she forgot to buy some. So when
  Harry arrived, she went to see what he had
  brought.
• Pilot 1 Harry brought bread or chips, but no
  nuts.
• Pilot 2 Harry brought only bread or chips.

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Open questions at this point

• Is it only with an overt focus operator (like
  only) that the SI is triggered/cancelled? If so,
  why?
• Or does the effect also arise with the QUD-focus
  and does the experiment not measure this? (e.g.
  switch to recorded stimuli)
• Or is it something else in the meaning of only
  that is doing the trick? (e.g. presupposition)