National Security versus Liberty: Internment of the Japanese

1
National Security versus Liberty Internment of
the Japanese
2
Introduction There has existed in American
society right from the beginning a tension
between national security and the right to
dissent. The question has been and continues to
be, how can a free and democratic society protect
itself during wartime while protecting the rights
of a minority to express its political opinions
no matter how seemingly subversive to the desires
or well being of the majority? During World War
II, to this tension between security and liberty
was added the component of racial bigotry against
an ethnic minority that had been subject to legal
discriminations since the founding of the
republic. Their differences made them suspect in
the eyes of many of the White majority.
Differences in heritage, language, and religion
coupled with an envy of their hard-won prosperity
led many to question their patriotism, and as a
result made it seem acceptable to deny them their
constitutional guarantees to due process and
habeas corpus and ultimately their liberty.
3
The tension between liberty and security first
found expression during the undeclared war
against France during the Adams administration
when the Federalists attempted to stifle
opposition and criticism by passing the Alien and
Sedition Acts which made it illegal to bring into
contempt through criticism or ridicule the
President and increased to 14 years the waiting
period to become a citizen. The Acts also gave
the President the right to deport aliens deemed
dangerous to the peace and safety of the United
States. The excesses of the French Revolution
begat a fear in the conservative Federalists that
it was possible that French agents were in the
United States to stir up similar social upheavals
and class warfare. It would seem to some that
these abridgements of the First Amendment were
justified due to the threats to this nascent
republic. Ultimately, the election of Jefferson
ended the controversy without the Supreme Court
having ruled on their constitutionality. However,
during each subsequent war the issue of liberty
versus security was resurrected. During the Civil
War, President Lincoln, striving to preserve the
Union, suspended the Writ of Habeas Corpus and
jailed opposition leaders. During WWI, Congress
passed another series of sedition laws making it
illegal to criticize the government or speak out
against the draft. During WWII, the government
passed the Smith Act that set criminal penalties
for advocating the overthrow of the U.S.
government and required all non-citizen adults to
register with the government. And finally, after
the attack on the World Trade Center in New York,
the government passed the so-called Patriot Act
which allowed the government expanded rights to
spy on its own citizens and to detain and deport
immigrants suspected of terrorism.
4
The Japanese in America had been the objects of
hostility and oppression since the first Asians
arrived here in mid-19th century to work on the
railroads. Whites especially in California,
fearful of losing their jobs to the cheap labor
provided by these immigrants, began to agitate
for laws that curtailed the rights of the
Japanese to own land or intermarry with Whites.
Nativism had been a potent force in American
politics for more than one hundred years before
World War II. Finding political expression in the
Know Nothing party, this anti-immigrant,
anti-Catholic, anti-Irish party expressed a
general distrust of foreigners in the ante-bellum
period. In the second half of the nineteenth
century and early the twentieth century Congress
and the President exceeded to the wishes of White
citizens and passed a series of anti-immigration
laws aimed at Asians including the Chinese
Exclusion Act and the Gentlemans Agreement
signed by President Roosevelt in 1907 which
effectively ended Japanese immigration to the
United States. However, despite the best efforts
of Japanese Americans to assimilate, they
remained in the view of many Whites a suspect
minority. Whereas a European immigrant could
disguise his origins by changing his name or
losing his accent, it was impossible for Japanese
immigrants not to be a group standing apart no
matter how much they sought to join the
mainstream of American society which many did
aspire to join as attested to by the high rates
of those attending college as they worked to
secure the American Dream. The Japanese
internment was unique in that for the first time
in American history during wartime a minority was
singled out for repression not due to its
political opinions or active opposition but for
its racial and cultural characteristics. But how
a nation addresses these risks speaks volumes
about its values, its sense of fairness , and its
willingness to judge individuals as individuals
(Stone, 64).
5
World War II would offer many immigrant groups
and oppressed peoples an opportunity to be
accepted into American Society. As much as WWI
was a means of indoctrinating immigrants into
American culture, WWII was a means of
legitimizing cultural differences and expanding
the definition of what and who is a true
American. After the war, for example, no longer
would racism or anti-Semitism be acceptable. And
although these bigoted practices did not end over
night, the expectation among minority groups
changed and no longer would they be content to
accept discrimination or second class
citizenship. Thus the phrase Double V became
current during the war. It was hoped among
minority groups that World War II would bring not
only a defeat over totalitarianism abroad but an
end to discrimination here in American and a
renewed commitment to the ideals for which this
country stands including equality and liberty.
There are few if any Americans today who would
defend the sending of Japanese Americans to the
interment camps in 1942. Today it is widely
accepted that it was a gross injustice born out
of prejudice and wartime hysteria. However,
dismissing it as a historical mistake that could
never happen again misses the point. The debate
is real and it still raises some fundamental
questions. To say it could never happen again
here or in the future is naive. Societies will
protect themselves against threats perceived or
real. Majorities will trample upon the rights of
minorities. Courts are subject to public passion
and shortsightedness. The tension between
liberty and security has not gone away. The story
of the Japanese interment camps is the story of
America. It must be told and retold, examined
and discussed it must be shared and felt by all
so that we can understand that who we are is who
we were.
6

• Part 1 Background

7

• On December 7, 1941, at Pearl Harbor, the
  Japanese navy disabled or destroyed five
  battleships and three cruisers, killing 2,355
  Americans and wounding another 1,178.
• On December 8 President Roosevelt in giving his
  famous Day of Infamy Speech asked Congress for a
  declaration of war against Japan.
• Within a three month period Japan had overrun
  most of Southeast Asia including such American
  territories as Guam and the Philippine Islands.

8
To take part in an internet scavenger hunt on the
attack on Peal Harbor, go to
http//www.nationalgeographic.com/pearlharbor/ax/f
rameset.html
9
To listen to the Presidents Day of Infamy
Speech go to http//www.youtube.com/watch?v3VqQA
f74fsE
10
Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Day of Infamy" Speech to
the Congress of the United States Yesterday,
December 7, 1941 -- a date which will live in
infamy -- the United States of America was
suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and
air forces of the Empire of Japan. The United
States was at peace with that Nation and, at the
solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation
with its Government and its Emperor looking
toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had
commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese
Ambassador to the United States and his colleague
delivered to the Secretary of State of form reply
to a recent American message. While this reply
stated that it seemed useless to continue the
existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no
threat or hint of war or armed attack.
11
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii
from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was
deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.
During the intervening time the Japanese
Government had deliberately sought to deceive the
United States by false statements and expressions
of hope for continued peace. The attack
yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands has caused
severe damage to American naval and military
forces. Very many American lives have been lost.
In addition American ships have been reported
torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco
and Honolulu. Yesterday the Japanese Government
also launched an attack against Malaya. Last
night Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong. Last
night Japanese forces attacked Guam. Last night
Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
12
Last night the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise
offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.
The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The
people of the United States have already formed
their opinions and well understand the
implications to the very life and safety of our
Nation. As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy I have directed that all measures be taken
for our defense. Always will we remember the
character of the onslaught against us. No matter
how long it may take us to overcome this
premeditated invasion, the American people in
their righteous might will win through to
absolute victory. I believe I interpret the will
of the Congress and of the people when I assert
that we will not only defend ourselves to the
uttermost but will make very certain that this
form of treachery shall never endanger us again.
13
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the
fact that our people, our territory, and our
interests are in grave danger. With confidence
in our armed forces -- with the unbounded
determination of our people -- we will gain the
inevitable triumph -- so help us God. I ask that
the Congress declare that since the unprovoked
and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December
seventh, a state of war has existed between the
United States and the Japanese Empire.
14
Japanese immigration to the United States began
in the 1800s, when 200,000 Japanese immigrants
came to Hawaii to work on the sugar and pineapple
plantations. The Japanese population on the
mainland by 1920 was 138,834. By 1941, 63 of
the Japanese population residing in the United
States were Nisei, meaning persons of Japanese
ancestry born in America. 37 were Issei, meaning
persons of Japanese ancestry residing in America
but born in Japan.
15
Planters desired a diverse work force in order to
the create divisions among the workers and
reinforce management control. In the view of the
planters who needed the immigrants as laborers,
children of Japanese immigrants should not be
given an education beyond the sixth grade, lest
it make them unsuitable for working in the
fields. However, many Japanese immigrants had
become successful farmers in the Pacific coast
states. By 1920 the Japanese owned 458,056 acres
of farmland where they grew mostly berries and
other vegetables. By 1940 they grew 95 of the
beans, 67 of the tomatoes, 95 of the celery,
44 of the onions, and 40 of the peas,
converting the deserts of California into
productive farms.
16
Many Whites were resentful of the success of the
Japanese Americans and desired to gain their
land. The Grower-Shipper Vegetable Association
We have been charged with wanting to get rid of
the Japs for selfish reason, we might as well be
honest. We do. Its a question of whether the
white man lives on the Pacific coast or the brown
man. They came into this valley to work, they
stayed to take overif all the Japs were removed
tomorrow, wed never miss them in two weeks,
because white farmers can take over and produce
everything the Jap grows.
Takaki, 146
17
There was much uncertainty in the days and weeks
following Pearl Harbor whether or not the
Japanese intended to make direct attacks against
military bases on the West Coast or even against
civilian populations. Some people believed that
the attack on Pearl Harbor could not have been
possible without the complicity of the Japanese
living on the islands. If doubts existed about
the loyalty of Japanese Americans both in Hawaii
and California, the government ought to err, some
suggested, on the side of national security and
prevent other attacks by restricting the actions
of suspect groups.
18
The Los Angeles Times A viper is nonetheless a
viper wherever the egg is hatched- so a Japanese
American, born of Japanese parents - grows up to
be Japanese not an American.
Takaki,
Takaki,146
19
The loyalty of Italian Americans and German
Americans was not questioned in the same way as
with the Japanese Americans. General DeWitt,
commander of the Western Defense Command You
neednt worry about the Italians at all except in
certain cases. Also, the same for the Germans
except in individual cases. But we must worry
about the Japanese all the time until he is wiped
off the map. Sabotage and espionage will make
problems as long as he is allowed in this area -
problems which I dont want to worry
about. Takaki, 148
20
However, an eviction of Japanese Americans from
Hawaii would divert badly needed construction
materials and shipping space and would also tie
up troop resources needed to rebuild Pearl Harbor
and guard the islands from possible future
attacks. The mass evacuations would severely
disrupt the economy of Hawaii and the defense and
rebuilding efforts. The evacuation of Hawaii
would decimate the islands labor force, for the
Japanese made up over one third of the islands
population, and the Japanese represented over 90
of the carpenters and nearly all the
transportation workers and agricultural labors.
21
Furthermore, there was no evidence that Japanese
during the raid directed attacks on Pearl Harbor
or acted as snipers firing on American soldiers.
In fact during the attack Japanese civilians
participated in the islands defense. They rushed
to their posts as volunteer truck drivers,
donated blood, and guarded the power plants and
reservoirs and roads against a possible invasion.
Thousands of Japanese members of the ROTC at the
university and local high schools donned their
uniforms to stand guard. When the army announced
that it needed volunteers, 9,507 Japanese
Americans on the island responded. In fact, in
late January of 1942 the Office of Naval
Intelligence estimated that only about 3,500
Japanese were potential military threats.
22
In March of 1942 James Y. Sakamoto of the
Emergency Defense Council Seattle Chapter of the
Japanese American Citizens League wrote to
President Roosevelt to express the loyalty of
Japanese Americans. The Honorable Franklin D.
RooseveltPresident of the United States of
AmericaThe White HouseWashington, D.C. Mr.
President We, the American Citizens of Japanese
parentage in these United States, have taken
seriously your various statements on the Four
Freedoms. Our parent generation too has taken
comfort from those assertions. They have not
enjoyed the rights of citizenship in this
country. For that reason they are at this time
particularly open to accusation and suspicion.
We were reassured when war broke out and heard
your directions as to the treatment to be
accorded aliens of enemy countries. We felt those
were commands upon all American citizens to pull
together for a common objective. Even when the
clamor against us raised by a national
organization whose patriotic motives are
undoubted seemed about to threaten our very
lives, we trusted in your protection. The
picture has changed since then. Evacuation has
now become a certainty for all of us, non-citizen
and citizen alike. We citizens have been singled
out for treatment that has hitherto not been
meted out to any American. Though the medicine
was bitter, we have attempted to obey without
criticism, and to swallow it.
23
We were prepared to go where we might be sent, to
be uprooted permanently from the homes we have
known since childhood. Our parents before us had
in many instances built up the only homes we
knew. They had given us an American education and
in some thousands of instances sent us gladly
into the service of our country. They, too, were
to accompany us. We thought it would simply be a
matter of transfer to another locality in which
we might carry on, under a cloud indeed, but
demonstrating our loyalty none the less, by
obeying a humiliating and distasteful command.
We are still so minded. We shall obey
willingly. We shall continue to trust you and to
give our allegiance to the ideals you
enunciate Our people have not been unconscious
of the extent to which our country has been
dependent upon them for the production of certain
articles of food in areas now filled with Army
installations and all lines of war work.
Certainly, had they any mind to sabotage they
could have done so no more completely than by
ceasing to produce the food upon which so much of
the war effort depended. Mr. President, we have
protested our loyalty in the past. We have not
been believed. We are willing to assume the
burden of continuing to demonstrate it under all
but impossible conditions. We would be deeply
grateful if you would point it out to our fellow
citizens
24
that we are not traitors to our country as the
above facts, in our opinion amply
demonstrate Give to us some refuge in the heart
of the country far removed from even the
suspicion or possibility to do harm. We have
helped to feed the nation in the past. Let us
continue to do so now that it is needed the more.
Only let us do so freely and not under that
compulsion made notorious in an enemy country. We
do not have to be driven to work for a country in
which we believe for ideals more precious than
our life-blood. Trusting that you will give us
your sympathetic assistance and with the greatest
hope for your continued good health, I am, my
dear Mr. President. Faithfully yours,James Y.
Sakamoto http//www.lib.washington.edu/exhi
bits/harmony/Documents/fdr.html
25
In an editorial The San Francisco News supported
the removal of the Japanese to camps.March 6,
1942 Their Best Way to Show Loyalty An
Editorial Japanese leaders in California who
are counseling their people, both aliens and
native-born, to co-operate with the Army in
carrying out the evacuation plans are, in effect,
offering the best possible way for all Japanese
to demonstrate their loyalty to the United
States. Many aliens and practically all the
native-born have been protesting their allegiance
to this Government. Although their removal to
inland districts outside the military zones may
inconvenience them somewhat, even work serious
hardships upon some, they must certainly
recognize the necessity of clearing the coastal
combat areas of all possible fifth columnists and
saboteurs. Inasmuch as the presence of enemy
agents cannot be detected readily when these
areas are thronged by Japanese the only course
left is to remove all persons of that race for
the duration of the war. That is a clear-cut
policy easily understood. Its execution should be
supported by all citizens of whatever racial
background, but especially it presents an
opportunity to the people of an enemy race to
prove their spirit of co-operation and keep their
relations with the rest of the population of this
country on the firm ground of friendship.
26
Every indication has been given that the transfer
will be made with the least possible hardship.
General DeWitts order was issued in such a way
as to give those who can make private moving
arrangements plenty of time to do so. All others
will not be moved until arrangements can be made
for places for them to go. They may have to be
housed in temporary quarters until permanent ones
can be provided for them, but during the summer
months that does not mean they will be unduly
uncomfortable. Their property will be carefully
protected by the Federal Government, their food
and shelter will be provided to the extent they
are not able to provide it for themselves, and
they will be furnished plenty of entertainment
and recreation. That is not according to the
pattern of the European concentration camp by any
means. Real danger would exist for all Japanese
if they remained in the combat area. The least
act of sabotage might provoke angry reprisals
that easily could balloon into bloody race riots.
We must avoid any chance of that sort of thing.
The most sensible, the most humane way to insure
against it is to move the Japanese out of harms
way and make it as easy as possible for them to
go and to remain away until the war is over.
http//www.sfmuseum.org/hist8/editorial1.html
27
However, General DeWitt, commander of the Western
Defense Command, wanted the authority to exclude
Japanese aliens and Americans of Japanese
ancestry from restricted areas on the West
Coast. DeWitt There are approximately 288,000
enemy aliens which we have to watch. I have
little confidence that the enemy aliens are
law-abiding or loyal in any sense of the word.
Some of them yes many, no. particularly the
Japanese. I have no confidence in their loyalty
whatsoever. I am speaking now of the native born
Japanese - 117,000 and 42,000 in California
alone. Takaki, 145
28
Under pressure, more than 5,000 Japanese
Americans renounced their American citizenship.
29

• Simulation Activity
• Imagine you lived in Hawaii in 1942. Do the
  Japanese in America pose a security risk and if
  so, what should be done with the Japanese
  population in the United States?
• Consider the following options. Which one would
  you recommend to the President?
• Remove all Japanese in America to internment
  camps away from the coast
• Since there is no constitutional allowance for
  their internment and there have not been reported
  any acts of sabotage yet, do nothing
• Remove only those against whom there is credible
  evidence that they may be hostile to the US even
  if they have not yet committed any overt actions
  against the US
• Conduct unannounced warrentless search and
  seizure operations of Japanese homes and
  businesses to prevent radio transmissions or
  other acts of sabotage
• Exclude Japanese Americans from restricted areas
  that are of military importance
• Impose a nightly curfew on Japanese Americans
• Prevent any Japanese Americans from engaging in
  fishing or working on the docks where they may be
  able to contact the Japanese navy or direct
  Japanese attacks
• Exclude Japanese Americans from certain
  occupations and seize their land

30
Simulation Activity Imagine you are one of
the persons listed below who were active in the
issues of Japanese internment. As this person,
present to the President your advice on the
questions Do the Japanese in America pose a
security risk and if so, what should be done
with the Japanese population in the United
States? In favor of internment Secretary of
the Navy Frank Knox Secretary of War Henry
Stimson Commander Western Defense Command
Lieutenant General John DeWitt Grower-Shipper
Vegetable Association of California Attorney
General of California Earl Warren US Secretary of
State Cordell Hull Against internment Military
Governor of Hawaii General Delos Emmons
Representative from Hawaii Sam King Honolulu
Police Captain John Burns
31
Part 2 Internment
32
There was not one documented act of sabotage or
espionage committed by a Japanese American
however, on February 19, 1942, President
Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 which
directed the Secretary of War to determine those
military areas from which the right of any
person to enter, remain in, or leave shall be
subject to whatever restrictions the Secretary of
War or the appropriate military commander may
impose at his discretion. The order did not
specify the Japanese as a group to be excluded,
but the target and place were obvious. On March
24 General DeWitt established a curfew for all
persons of Japanese ancestry living in the
Pacific coast states. Then in April, General
DeWitt issued Civilian Exclusion Order No. 27
ordering all persons of Japanese ancestry to
report to detention areas to be evacuated to
internment camps. Evacuees were allowed to bring
only bedding, toiletries, clothing and cooking
utensils.
33
Executive Order No. 9066 The President Executive
Order Authorizing the Secretary of War to
Prescribe Military Areas Whereas the successful
prosecution of the war requires every possible
protection against espionage and against sabotage
to national-defense material, national-defense
premises, and national-defense utilities as
defined in Section 4, Act of April 20, 1918, 40
Stat. 533, as amended by the Act of November 30,
1940, 54 Stat. 1220, and the Act of August 21,
1941, 55 Stat. 655 (U.S.C., Title 50, Sec. 104)
34
Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested
in me as President of the United States, and
Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, I hereby
authorize and direct the Secretary of War, and
the Military Commanders whom he may from time to
time designate, whenever he or any designated
Commander deems such action necessary or
desirable, to prescribe military areas in such
places and of such extent as he or the
appropriate Military Commander may determine,
from which any or all persons may be excluded,
and with respect to which, the right of any
person to enter, remain in, or leave shall be
subject to whatever restrictions the Secretary of
War or the appropriate Military Commander may
impose in his discretion. The Secretary of War is
hereby authorized to provide for residents of any
such area who are excluded there from, such
transportation, food, shelter, and other
accommodations as may be necessary, in the
judgment of the Secretary of War or the said
Military Commander, and until other arrangements
are made, to accomplish the purpose of this
order. The designation of military areas in any
region or locality shall supersede designations
of prohibited and restricted areas by the
Attorney General under the Proclamations of
December 7 and 8, 1941, and shall supersede the
responsibility and authority of the Attorney
General under the said Proclamations in respect
of such prohibited and restricted areas.
Franklin D.
Roosevelt The White House, February 19,
1942. http//bss.sfsu.edu/internment/executiorder
9066.html
35
The Japanese in America had been subject to a
history of discrimination. Anti-Asian animus
began in legal terms with The Naturalization Act
of 1790 which limited citizenship to Whites only.
The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 barred Chinese
workers from entering the US. California also
passed laws that made inter-racial marriages
illegal. In 1913 the California legislature past
the Alien Land Law which denied Japanese the
right to own land. Under the terms of the
National Origins Act of the 1920s immigration of
any given nationality was limited to 2 of the
total number of that nationality residing in the
United States based on the 1890 census, thus
limiting the Japanese to 40 immigrants a year
however, the act prohibited the entry of
immigrants not eligible for citizenship.
Therefore, the Japanese were in effect banned
from entering the US. In the 1922 case of Ozawa
v. United States, the Supreme Court held that
Asians could not become naturalized citizens.
36
Most evacuees were forced to sell all of their
possessions, including their farms, to Whites for
pennies on the dollar. They reported to
temporary detention centers that were often in
fact racecourses or stockyards or fairgrounds
where the detainees were forced to sleep in barns
and stables. From there the evacuees were sent to
internment camps in Utah, Arizona, Colorado,
Arkansas and Wyoming.
37
The camps were linear with barracks in orderly
rows, bound by barbed wire fences with guard
towers. Each barrack was about 120 by 20 feet,
divided into four to six rooms. Usually a family
was housed in one room, 20 by 20 feet. The room
had a stove, a single hanging electric light, one
army cot per family member and a blanket. 8,000
of the detainees were children under the age of
five. Boredom was the main enemy at the camps.
The detainees lived simple frugal lives. They
planted small gardens, set up schools for the
children, and played baseball, tennis and golf.
At one camp the detainees had a fly catching
competition. The winner caught 2,462 flies. One
detainee wrote of his experience We slept in
the dust we breathed in the dust we ate the
dust. Perhaps, however, the greatest hardship
was the loss of freedom.
38
Some of the Japanese children wrote letters to
former classmates or teachers describing their
lives in the camps.
39
Dear Mrs. Willis Sorry that I didn't write to
you sooner but we were busy getting settled. We
arrived here (Camp Harmony) on Friday afternoon
May 8 and there were many to greet us. They were
the people who came before us and they helped us
to get settled. The camp is divided into four
areas, Area A, B, C, and D. The areas are then
subdivided into sections. My house number is
A-6-46, that is, Area A section 6 apartment 46.
The barracks with their rooms were not what I
expected them to be, but they are comfortable
enough. It is a framework of wood with shiplap
over it. The walls between the rooms don't quite
reach the ceiling and if one talks loudly he can
be heard at the other end of the barrack. In each
room there is a wood stove which takes care of
the heating problem, for in the morning and night
it gets quite cold. Although the living quarters
are close, one can live comfortably.
We've hung curtains and drapes, made our own
furniture and have tried to make our room as much
as possible like home. Everything is a little
crude but it's all right for a little crudeness
fits into the picture. It's a place for old
clothes and boots because when it rains the
streets get muddy and when it becomes hot, you
eat a lot of dust, so the boys say.
40
There are six mess halls and when it's time to
eat, we line up outside. By the time the doors
open there is a very long line, so the early
birds eat first. The food is all right but I
think I could stand a little more, and as always,
it could be better. You ought to see some of the
signs they have by the doors. Some of them are
very funny and would give you a laugh. There was
one which was very well suited to the place,
"Knot Inn." It's very well suited because the
boards have many knots and some times they fall
out and leave gaping holes. The place is
entirely surrounded by a barbed wire fence and
soldiers watch on towers and march back and forth
along the fence. Sometimes we talk to them and
they are friendly. I don't mind them watching me
and I believe that the others don't mind either.
Everyone seems to be contented and have adopted
themselves to the change even though many things
are lacking. Right now I would rather be in
school and be with all my friends. Well, I have
to hit the hay now and when I say hay I mean hay,
for the mattresses we have are filled with hay.
A pupilName P.S. I wanted to say good-bye but
just didn't get around to it. Thanks for all
you've done.
http//www.lib.washington.edu/exhibits/harmony/Doc
uments/willis.html
41
Dear Mrs. Willis, How are you? I am well, in
spite of the food and cold living quarters.
Before I continue any further I must thank you
for all that you have done for me. As soon as we
get settled down I will devote my time in
designing. I have not seen Kinuye, because she is
probably in another area. I hope some day we can
have visiting day so that we can get together and
draw. The camp in which I live consists of about
2,900 Japanese. Really, I have not seen so many
all together in all my life. There are many
cabins which are divided into blocks. Each cabin
has a small wood or oil stove, and a bed for each
person. The mattresses are filled with straw. The
first night was terrible but eventually we got
use to the bed. Unless one has a job it is very
boring doing nothing but loaf. As soon as I can I
am going to apply for a job. During the first
few days the weather was sultry. As a result I am
quite tanned and freckled. Now a days it is so
rainy and muddy that we have to stay in all day.
We don't not yet have a recreation hall but on
Saturdays we have our dances. On such occasions
there are more spectators than dancers. I hope
that we will have a regular place to spend our
leisure time very soon for we get quite tired
just playing cards and walking about. I miss
school and all my school friends. I hope that
someday we may all go back to normal life,
enjoying peace and freedom. I thank you again for
the many art supplies you have given me from the
bottom of my heart. Sincerely yours,Name
http//www.lib.washington.edu/exhibits/harmony/Doc
uments/willis1.html
42
The camps California Manzanar and Tule
LakeIdaho MinidokaWyoming Heart
MountainColorado GranadaArizona Poston and
RiverArkansas Rohwer and Jerome
43
Nevertheless, WWII offered the Japanese Americans
an opportunity to claim their identity as
Americans entitled to the rights and respect of
full citizens. The children of these Japanese
immigrants born here were citizens and they
considered themselves to be loyal and patriotic
Americans. Enlisting in the military was a means
to that end. During the war 33,000 Japanese
American males served in the armed forces.
44
A Japanese American soldier explained his
purpose for serving in the military My friends
and my family - they mean everything to me. They
are the most important reason why I am giving up
my education and my happiness to go to fight a
war that we never asked for. But our country is
involved in it. Not only that. By virtue of the
Japanese attack on our nation, we as American
citizens of Japanese ancestry have been
mercilessly flogged with criticism and
accusations. But Im not going to take it sitting
down. I may not be able to came back. But that
matters little. My family and my friends - they
are the ones who will be able to back their
arguments with facts. They are the ones who will
be proud. In fact, it is better that we are sent
to the front and that a few of us do not return,
for the testimony will be stronger in favor of
the folks back home. Takaki, 144
45
In effect, 75,000 persons were incarcerated
without due process having broken no laws and
never having a trial or jury. The Fifth Amendment
says No person shall be deprived of life,
liberty or property without due process of the
law. The Fourteenth Amendment, which ensures
that those born in the US are citizens, also
guarantees the right to due process.
Furthermore, the constitution guarantees each
person the right of Habeas Corpus meaning that a
person cannot be held in jail indefinitely
without being charged with a crime.
46
The detentions were challenged in the Supreme
Court.
In the case of Gordon Hirabayashi v. US the
Supreme Court decided that the curfew established
by General DeWitt did not violate the Fifth
Amendment and was not therefore unconstitutional
because the need to protect national security in
a time of war necessitated such measures. In
the case of Fred Korematsu v. US the Supreme
Court upheld the exclusion of Japanese Americans
from the Pacific coastal states again saying that
the needs of national security justified such
orders. In the case of Mitsuye Endo v. US the
Supreme Court finally weighed in on the
constitutionality of the internment camps. The
court ruled that the camps were a violation of
the right of Habeas Corpus and allowed the
release of all prisoners. On December 17, 1944
the exclusionary ban was lifted and the evacuees
were allowed to return to their homes.
47
Those who returned to their West Coast homes
often found homes that had been vandalized and
looted. Losses for the evacuees totaled about
500 million dollars.
48
In 1946 the Department of Justice settled
evacuees claims for damages for 36.9 million
dollars. 34 years later President Ford issued a
proclamation repealing Roosevelts Executive
Order 9066. In 1988 President Reagan signed the
Civil Liberties Act which authorized the payment
of 20,000 in reparations to each survivor of the
internment camps.
49
President Gerald R. Ford's Proclamation 4417,
Confirming the Termination of the Executive Order
Authorizing Japanese-American Internment During
World War II February 19, 1976 By the President
of the United States of America, a
Proclamation In this Bicentennial Year, we are
commemorating the anniversary dates of many great
events in American history. An honest reckoning,
however, must include a recognition of our
national mistakes as well as our national
achievements. Learning from our mistakes is not
pleasant, but as a great philosopher once
admonished, we must do so if we want to avoid
repeating them. February 19th is the anniversary
of a sad day in American history. It was on that
date in 1942, in the midst of the response to the
hostilities that began on December 7, 1941, that
Executive Order 9066 was issued, subsequently
enforced by the criminal penalties of a statute
enacted March 21, 1942, resulting in the
uprooting of loyal Americans. Over one hundred
thousand persons of Japanese ancestry were
removed from their homes, detained in special
camps, and eventually relocated.
50
The tremendous effort by the War Relocation
Authority and concerned Americans for the welfare
of these Japanese-Americans may add perspective
to that story, but it does not erase the setback
to fundamental American principles. Fortunately,
the Japanese-American community in Hawaii was
spared the indignities suffered by those on our
mainland. We now know what we should have known
then--not only was that evacuation wrong, but
Japanese-Americans were and are loyal Americans.
On the battlefield and at home,
Japanese-Americans -- names like Hamada,
Mitsumori, Marimoto, Noguchi, Yamasaki, Kido,
Munemori and Miyamura -- have been and continue
to be written in our history for the sacrifices
and the contributions they have made to the
well-being and security of this, our common
Nation. The Executive order that was issued on
February 19, 1942, was for the sole purpose of
prosecuting the war with the Axis Powers, and
ceased to be effective with the end of those
hostilities. Because there was no formal
statement of its termination, however, there is
concern among many Japanese-Americans that there
may yet be some life in that obsolete document. I
think it appropriate, in this our Bicentennial
Year, to remove all doubts on that matter, and to
make clear our commitment in the future.
51
NOW, THEREFORE, I, GERALD R. FORD, President of
the United States of America, do hereby proclaim
that all authority conferred by Executive Order
9066 terminated upon the issuance of Proclamation
2714, which formally proclaimed the cessation of
hostilities of World War II on December 31,
1946. I call upon the American people to affirm
with me this American Promise -- that we have
learned from the tragedy of that long-ago
experience forever to treasure liberty and
justice for each individual American, and resolve
that this kind of action shall never again be
repeated. IN WITNESS THEREOF, I have hereunto set
my hand this nineteenth day of February in the
year of our Lord nineteen hundred seventy-six,
and of the Independence of the United States of
America the two hundredth. http//www.fordlibr
arymuseum.gov/library/speeches/760111p.htm
52
The court avoided answering a significant
constitutional question in reaching its verdict
in these cases. Can the military, even if
supported by the President and Congress, detain
citizens outside of a combat zone without
charging them with a crime, merely on the grounds
of defending the nation during wartime? By
avoiding this question the court set a dangerous
precedent. Will others use this precedent to deny
constitutional rights to certain groups of
citizens during a national crisis in the future?
53
Part 3 Poems
54
What words come to mind when you look at these
pictures of the internment camps?
55
The Japanese have a long tradition of writing
poetry. Much of it is expressive of their
Buddhist and Shinto faiths which find inspiration
and solace in the fleeting beauties of nature and
mans humble place within that landscape. The
objects of nature, the mountains, trees, streams
and mists then are given symbolic meaning, but
the poem is meant to be experienced in much the
same way the poet experienced the original
moment. The poem arises out of the immediacy of
the experience. Poetry was supposed to be a
spontaneous product of the spirit as it
contemplated the incongruities of existence. As
with all poetry, Japanese poetry then arises out
of the individual humans experience of the
vicissitudes of life and gives expression to
eternal verities. It gives voice to despair and
aspirations. It is meant to startle, surprise,
amuse and move. This tradition of poetry was
carried on by the detainees in the internment
camps. What follows is a very small selection of
that poetry written by both children and adults.
56
The Desert is my Home The desert is my homeI
love its sun and sands,I love its vastness,
century's sleepIt challenges, commands!At
night the cold stars crystallize,Opalescent,
freeI exult in their ageless eyes,Their
silence envelops me.This desert is my
home,This, the open plainsAnd endless sage
beneath hot suns,The sky and sudden rains.From
golden dawn to red sunset,The desert beckons,
calls- -I love its freedom wilderness,Unlimited
by walls.And this will be my homeThe desert
sands I'll plod,Far out beneath its skies and
stars,To be alone with God.Tokiko Inouye
57
My Plea Oh God, I pray that I may bear a
crossTo set my people free,That I may help to
take good-will acrossAn understanding sea.Oh,
God, I pray that someday every raceMay stand on
equal planeAnd prejudice will find no dwelling
placeIn a peace that all may gain.Mary
Matsuzawa
58
Faith My heart is proud,My soul is glorious and
free.You, young Nisei, are fighting forour
lives, our country, future,and everything we
stand for.We are right behind you.You are
proving that we are loyalin Italy and wherever
you go.You will come back victorious and
free,and we will be waiting for youin this land
of liberty.Yukio Ota
59
Barracks Home This is our barracks, squatting on
the ground,Tar papered shacks, partitioned into
roomsBy sheetrock walls, transmitting every
soundOf neighbor's gossip or the sweep of
broomsThe open door welcomes the refugees,And
now at least there is no need to roamAfar here
space enlarges memoriesBeyond the bounds of camp
and this new home.The floor is carpeted with
dust, wind-borneDry alkalai, patterned with
insect feet,What peace can such a place as this
impart?We can but sense, bewildered and
forlorn,That time, disrupted by the war from
neatRoutines, must now adjust within the
heart.Tojo Suyemoto Kawakami http//www.sccs.s
warthmore.edu/users/04/sorelle/poetry/wwii/paper.h
tml
60
Write your own biographical poem using the
imagery and feelings of someone interred in one
of these camps. (First name)- List four
adjectives that describe the person Son or
Daughter of (your parents names) Lover of (three
different things that the person loves) Who
feels (three different feelings and when or where
they are felt) Who needs ( list three things the
person would like to have) Who gives (three
different things the person gives) Who fears
(three different fears the person has) Who has
been ( list three places the person has been) Who
would like to see (three different things the
person would like to see happen) Who lives (a
brief description of where the person lives)
-(last name)
61
Appendix Daniel Inouyes recollections of
visiting an internment camp may be listened to at
http//www.pbs.org/thewar/detail_5288.htm The
recollection of Susumu Satow and Asako Tokuno,
two detainees, recalling life in the internment
camps may be listened to at http//www.pbs.org/th
ewar/detail_5352.htm A U.S. Government film
defending the World War II internment of
Japanese-American citizens produced by the U.S.
Office of War Information can be viewed at
http//www.pbs.org/thewar/detail_5089.htm
62
Sacrificing Freedom for Security FEW
QUOTES are as well worn as Ben Franklins
admonition that, Those who can give up essential
liberty to obtain a little temporary safety,
deserve neither liberty nor safety. And perhaps
no quote is better suited to this months debate
to extend several provisions of the Patriot Act.
These anti-terror tools for law enforcement,
first passed in 2001, are scheduled to expire May
27. The reauthorization wont generate front-page
news the president cant be excited about a
photo-op signing the Patriot Act. But it remains
one of the few debates that the framers might
recognize even after 235 years Five years have
passed since I led a small group of Republicans
in a bipartisan filibuster to stop the first
Patriot Act reauthorization. What ensued was six
weeks of grinding negotiations yielding a handful
of changes to strengthen protections for civil
liberties. Like any compromise, we didnt win
every change we pursued, but the fact that the
debate was carried so far was a victory in
itself. Today, the tables have turned
completely. In 2005, Democrats framed opposition
to the Patriot Act as opposition to President
Bush now their partisan allegiance pushes in the
opposite direction, toward a president who
supports reauthorization. On the Republican side,
finding members willing to oppose the priorities
of the Bush Justice Department was nearly
impossible they remain few and far between today.
63
Then and now, the partisan core on both sides
failed to recognize that the debate over
protecting civil liberties isnt about whether
you trust Attorney General Alberto Gonzales or
Eric Holder or any other elected official its
about whether we have effective protections in
place no matter who might hold positions of
responsibility in the future. More important,
its a debate about the trade-off between liberty
and security that Franklin understood so
well. Protecting individual liberty was central
to the founders vision of carefully proscribed
and limited state power. The Constitution granted
power to the federal government, but this power
was balanced by equally powerful rights granted
to individuals. Authorities had the power to
arrest, but the individual was allowed to have
counsel and representation before the courts.
Police could interrogate, but the individual was
protected from self-incrimination, and so
on. Despite this historic precedent, during the
1980s and 1990s the idea of debating fundamental
precepts of civil liberties seemed to fall out of
favor. The ACLU appeared to be focused on
limiting the places where you were allowed to say
the Pledge of Allegiance and maximizing the
places where you could put a topless bar. On
matters of policy, Democrats often talked about
these issues, but never did much of anything
Republicans just never did much of anything.
Legislative detente led inexorably to legislative
indifference.
64
Then came Sept. 11. In the fall of 2001, the
Patriot Act wrapped together ideas that had been
sitting around prior to the terrorist attacks
like a national ID with several new provisions
like unlimited detention for material
witnesses in cases of terrorism. Although
highly controversial provisions like these were
ultimately modified or dropped, the emotional
unity of the moment prevented a thorough debate
about the ramifications of the broader bill.
Wisely, the newest provisions were designed with
a four-year expiration, laying the foundation for
that crucial vote in December of 2005. Our goal
in opposing the Patriot Act was to force changes
to the most intrusive elements of the bill such
as Section 215, which allowed access to sensitive
business and financial records. We also proposed
a stronger standard for approving roving
wiretaps, and limits on the use of national
security letter subpoenas, which were easy to
obtain and, therefore, prone to potential abuse.
65
In the end, we succeeded in giving individuals
the right to challenge gag orders in court,
protecting access to lawyers for those receiving
the national security subpoenas, and protecting
libraries from the most onerous provisions of the
act. Our concerns were validated by subsequent
events In 2007 the gag-order provision was ruled
unconstitutional and an inspector general exposed
extensive misuse and mismanagement of thousands
of the national security subpoenas. Although
todays debate is tepid by comparison, there are
efforts afoot to further strengthen some of these
protections. Ironically, Senator Mike Lee of
Utah, the Tea Partier characterized by the left
as a rubber-stamp ideologue, has shown the
greatest willingness to cross party lines. He
joined with Democrats to strengthen the standard
for identifying targets of roving wiretaps that
provision will be included in the bill on the
Senate floor this month. The Patriot Act may be
here to stay, but a meaningful debate exposes the
broader question at stake How much individual
liberty are we willing to give up in the name of
national security? And by extension, how much
money, time and dignity are we willing to
sacrifice in the name of safety? No world can be
perfectly secure and the hands of time cannot be
turned back. But we can and should aspire to live
in a country where we specify eavesdropping
targets, require judicial review of subpoenas,
and allow children to board airplanes without
being frisked. John E. Sununu. Boston Globe May
2, 2011.