L3. Competition and Lobbying

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L3. Competition and Lobbying

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Title: L3. Competition and Lobbying


1
Anticorruption and the Design of Institutions
2008/09

Lecture 5 Competition and Lobbying
Prof. Dr. Johann Graf Lambsdorff
2
Literature
  • Lambsdorff, J. Graf (2007), The New
    Institutional Economics of Corruption and Reform
    Theory, Evidence and Policy. Cambridge University
    Press 109-135.
  • Rose-Ackerman, S. (1999), Corruption and
    Government. Causes, Consequences and Reform,
    (Cambridge Cambridge University Press) 9-26.
  • Shleifer, A. and R.W. Vishny (1993),
    Corruption. Quarterly Journal of Economics,
    Vol. 108 599617.

3
Bureaucratic Competition
  • One of the inspiring economic principles is that
    of competition.
  • Competition is assumed to act like an invisible
    hand, allowing for public welfare to prosper in
    the absence of individuals social mindedness.
  • Can competition also help fighting corruption
    and limiting the resulting welfare losses?
  • Unfortunately, the answer is less
    straightforward.
  • We will consecutively investigate competition
    among bureaucrats, politicians and private firms.

4
Bureaucratic Competition
  • Misusing ones office as a maximizing unit is
    particularly troublesome when bureaucrats are in
    a monopoly position.
  • Competition between bureaucrats might drive down
    bribes and bring the outcome closer to the
    initial equilibrium.
  • Departments could be given the right to issue
    licenses and permits also in areas that belong
    (geographically or functionally) to other
    departments. Their jurisdiction would overlap.
    This suggestion has thus been labeled
    overlapping jurisdiction.
  • This solution appears attractive when
    bureaucrats extort payments in exchange for
    licenses and permits. Payments for extortion
    would be reduced to zero.

5
Bureaucratic Competition
  • But it fails in many other areas of the public
    sector
  • In public procurement contracts can be awarded
    only once. There is a natural monopoly in the
    awarding of a contract and the principle is of no
    use.
  • Whenever corruption involves also the defrauding
    of the state (e.g. tax collectors underreporting
    due taxes in exchange for a bribe), competition
    would ensure that the most fraudulent bureaucrats
    are preferred by customers.
  • Whenever truthful inspection of application
    requirements is needed, competition would no
    longer ensure that the best qualified bureaucrats
    are selected by clients.
  • Similar problems are observed with regulators
    and inspectors a race towards the lowest
    standards may arise.

6
Bureaucratic Competition
  • An approach of overlapping jurisdictions would
    effectively decrease bribes in areas where
    bureaucrats formerly extorted businesspeople.
  • But the concept runs counter to other legitimate
    tasks of the bureaucracy such as tax collection,
    inspection and regulation.

Hints for Reform
7
Political Competition
  • Some economic models assume benevolence among
    policymakers. This assumption is sometimes
    overemphasized.
  • Politicians may not be primarily motivated by
    productive efficiency or the public interest.
  • How does competition affect the goals pursued by
    politicians?
  • Competition for votes is commonly seen to reduce
    corruption.
  • This effect is parallel to that of the invisible
    hand in private markets even self-seeking
    politicians must convince voters by effectively
    containing corruption among bureaucrats and among
    their own ranks.

8
Political Competition
  • Competition among politicians thus enables
    society to get rid of those performing poorly.
  • Competition disciplines politicians fear for
    their office when losing votes.
  • This effect becomes stronger if votes are
    pivotal for staying in office.
  • A political leader who loses or wins anyways
    is little disciplined by elections.

vote
A politicians indifference curve
50
income
9
Political Competition
  • However, this effect can be undermined by
    various forces
  • Promises to reduce corruption may not be
    credible.
  • Crucial for sound competition is not the amount
    of political parties, because these might be
    founded ad hoc and may be unable to make credible
    commitments.
  • Crucial is also whether political parties have a
    long-standing tradition that keeps them from
    disappointing their voters.
  • The proceeds from corruption can be shared in
    exchange for political support. Honest
    politicians have fewer such resources at their
    disposal and fail to obtain support from
    influential actors.
  • This represents another type of political
    corruption, not aimed at generating income for
    politicians but subverting the electoral process.

10
Political Competition
  • Another downside effect of competition relates to
    the subordinates (agents) of politicians (the
    principal).
  • Agents may obtain bargaining power when they can
    choose between supporting different principals.
  • Thus, competition may weaken politicians control
    over agents (e.g. departments, regulation
    authorities).
  • In return for political support politicians may
    turn a blind eye to bribe-taking among lower
    levels in the public service.

11
Political Competition
Parker and Hart,December 8, 2001
12
Political Competition
  • Empirical results from a cross-section of
    countries reveal that democracy and levels of
    corruption do not correlate well, once
    regressions are controlled for income.
  • Only those democracies that are in place for
    decades exhibit systematically lower levels of
    corruption.
  • Investigating non-linear influences is revealing.
    An ambiguous impact is obtained for countries
    scoring between 7 and 2 in the Freedom House
    index. Only the good score of 1 brings about
    decreased corruption.
  • Higher participation in general election is
    important for containing corruption.
  • Fighting corruption by introducing political
    freedom is possible, but it is a thorny road
    where in transition corruption may even increase.

13
Political Competition
  • Political competition can in the long run lower
    levels of corruption.
  • Political parties and candidates must establish
    long-term oriented programs that can be
    identified by voters and must seek ways to commit
    to their announcements.
  • Clear rules on party and election finance appear
    indispensable for democratic systems to reduce
    political corruption.

Hints for Reform
14
Competitive Lobbying
  • Public servants have ample opportunities to sell
    preferential treatment to private parties. They
    can protect firms by hindering competition
    impose import quotas or tariffs grant tax
    privileges give subsidies award profitable
    contracts privatize industries.
  • These activities are valuable to private parties.
    We call the associated value rent a surplus
    the accrues to a firm beyond what the firm would
    obtain otherwise.
  • Once rents are created private firms attempt to
    get hold of this favor. They compete with the
    help of lobbying and corruption.
  • This type of rent-seeking differs from (normal
    microeconomic) profit-seeking where investments
    into production bring about profit only if
    someone else is better off buying a superior
    product.

15
Competitive Lobbying
  • Wizard of ID, Parker and Hart, March 9, 2000

16
Competitive Lobbying
Supply Marginal Costs
Rent
Marginal Revenue
Demand
0
Quantity
17
Competitive Lobbying
Only one out of n firms can win the competition
for a monopolistic position created by the state,
worth an exogenously given value R. The
probability for winning the competition (pi) is
proportional to a firm's investments into
rent-seeking (xi). A single firms' probability
decreases with the investments undertaken by its
competitors (xj). Expenses for rent-seeking have
no value to any of the firms or the state.
, i, j 1, ..., n Firms are
risk-neutral, face identical (profit and
probability) functions and are unable to
influence their competitors' level of
rent-seeking xj. They maximize the expected
profit, E(piR-xi).
18
Competitive Lobbying
The first order condition is
Introducing symmetry, xixjx. This brings about
the Cournot-Nash-equilibrium
19
Competitive Lobbying
In the case of two players, the first order
condition simplifies and the following reaction
function is obtained
Symmetry (xixjx) brings about
20
Competitive Lobbying
Figure 1 Rent-seeking with two players
xj
xixi(xj)
R/4
xjxj(xi)
xi
0
R/4
R
21
Competitive Lobbying
x
R/4
Total expenses (S) for rent-seeking then sum up
to
S
R
22
Competitive Lobbying
  • What are the consequences for welfare?
  • The creation of rents not only distorts private
    markets, leading to inefficient outcomes (for
    example due to monopolistic dominance).
  • There are additional costs because firms pay for
    bribes and lobbying. They devote resources
    without creating a social surplus.
  • Waste only arises in case of competition.
  • Waste increases with the number of competitors.
  • In case of lacking competition the monopolist can
    be sure to obtain the rent and will not expend
    resources for lobbying.

23
Competitive Lobbying
  • If you two behave like this while sharing every
    item, I'm going to unilaterally decide which
    state should have what!
  • Laxman,
  • Times of India,
  • December 7, 2000

24
Competitive Lobbying
  • Corruption versus lobbying what is the
    difference?
  • Public decisions are for sale in both cases, but
  • As opposed to lobbying, corruption is
    intransparent and entails little competition.
  • Politicians profit from corrupt payments (bribes)
    but not from lobbying, which may entail
    harassment instead.
  • Lobbyists represent broader interests while
    corruptors represent only their own interest.
  • The conclusion by rent-seeking theory is most
    unusual Corruption is better than lobbying
    because it entails little competition and
    resources are not wasted but merely transferred
    to politicians.

25
Competitive Lobbying
  • One key shortcoming of the model Rent-seeking
    theory provides no adequate description for the
    causes of policy distortions and the creation of
    rents.
  • Rent-seeking theory fails to observe that
    corruption can cause the creation of rents.
  • Politicians will weight the welfare losses of the
    rent R against political benefits from imposing
    the relevant market restrictions.
  • Thus, is competition really bad?
  • Not necessarily when the size of rents is itself
    a function of rent-seeking expenses.
  • Public servants will create rents (R) when they
    are induced to do so primarily by bribes.

26
Competitive Lobbying
  • The positive impact of rent-seeking expenses (S)
    on the rent (R) will be felt more when few
    competitors exist. For competing firms the
    overall size of the rent is a public good which
    they will hardly lobby for.
  • For a monopolist the total rent is not a public
    good but his own private good. A monopolist may
    thus be willing to devote resources to
    rent-seeking activities.
  • As opposed to lobbying, corruption is more
    forceful in motivating distorting rents.
  • Lobbying is more transparent and includes broader
    segments of society. It can represent a form of
    participation where not narrow defined interests
    are exchanged but responsibility for broader
    interests emerges.
  • Lobbying should be preferred.

27
Competitive Lobbying
  • Lobbyists can be turned into partners in the
    fight against corruption.
  • Once transparent rules and codes of conduct for
    lobbyists are passed, these may be helpful in
    disciplining their members.
  • They can help in ordering communication between
    business and politics.
  • Hindering lobbyism may backfire.

Hints for Reform
28
Competitive Lobbying
  • Lobbies face organizational difficulties they
    strive to obtain a rent for a whole sector, even
    if the individual firms do not contribute to the
    functioning of the lobby.
  • Members face a prisoners dilemma, which may
    hinder the foundation and functioning of a lobby.
  • Is this good or bad?
  • Some researchers argue that this is good, because
    lobbies intervene in otherwise undistorted
    decisions.
  • I would argue that it is bad, because lobbies
    balance the various interests of their members to
    form broader interest that are pursued
    transparently only those striving for narrow
    interests will survive if lobbies are hindered.

29
Competitive Lobbying
  • Independent courts and Presidents with veto power
    restrict the parliaments capacity to sell
    laws.
  • Courts have discretionary power in interpreting
    law courts check the consistency of laws against
    older legislation and the constitution, setting
    preferences in case of conflict courts have the
    power to reject the enforcement of new laws.
  • In case of a veto power, two parties must be paid
    for passing favorable laws.
  • Both institutions introduce continuity in the
    otherwise unbound and potentially arbitrary laws
    enacted by parliament.
  • Are veto powers helpful in containing corruption?

30
Competitive Lobbying
  • Some would argue that this is bad, because the
    value of rents increases. Laws, once passed,
    assign long-term income streams to those who were
    able to influence legislation in their favor. The
    judiciary helps to enforce the 'deals' made by
    effective interest groups with earlier
    legislatures.
  • I would argue, instead, that this is good. Laws
    that are valid over a longer period will be
    fought for by larger lobbies which promote
    broader interests. Quickly changing laws and ad
    hoc decisions are lobbied for by those striving
    for narrow interests.
  • Still, the overall judgment on the usefulness of
    veto powers is more complex, in particular,
    because there might be intransparent collusion
    among veto powers.

31
Appendix
Discussions1) What is the concept of
overlapping jurisdictions? Where may it help in
reducing corruption, where not? 2) Does
competition for political positions increase or
decrease corruption? Explain the diverging
positions!3) What is rent-seeking as opposed to
profit-seeking?4) What determines the extent of
waste?5) Why is competition regarded to be
harmful by rent-seeking theory?6) Why is
competition for rents not as bad as suggested by
rent-seeking theory?7) What are the pros and
cons of independent courts and political veto
powers?
32
Appendix
Exercise Three firms compete for a monopoly
license for gambling. The total rent is US 180
Mio. a) One firm assumes that its competitors
will spend US 10 Mio. for bribes and lobbying
each. Determine its optimum probability to win
the contest, assuming that its probability to win
the contest is proportional its own rent-seeking
expenses, divided by all firms expenses!b) If
all firms expect their competitors to optimize
their rent-seeking expenses (Cournot-Nash
solution), how much will each spend for this
purpose? c) Rent-Seeking theory concludes total
rent-seeking expenses increase with the number of
firms. What is the economic reason for this
conclusion? d) Why may this relationship not
arise in reality?
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