Title: L3. Competition and Lobbying
1Anticorruption and the Design of Institutions
2008/09
Lecture 5 Competition and Lobbying
Prof. Dr. Johann Graf Lambsdorff
2Literature
- Lambsdorff, J. Graf (2007), The New
Institutional Economics of Corruption and Reform
Theory, Evidence and Policy. Cambridge University
Press 109-135. - Rose-Ackerman, S. (1999), Corruption and
Government. Causes, Consequences and Reform,
(Cambridge Cambridge University Press) 9-26. - Shleifer, A. and R.W. Vishny (1993),
Corruption. Quarterly Journal of Economics,
Vol. 108 599617.
3Bureaucratic Competition
- One of the inspiring economic principles is that
of competition. - Competition is assumed to act like an invisible
hand, allowing for public welfare to prosper in
the absence of individuals social mindedness. - Can competition also help fighting corruption
and limiting the resulting welfare losses? - Unfortunately, the answer is less
straightforward. - We will consecutively investigate competition
among bureaucrats, politicians and private firms.
4Bureaucratic Competition
- Misusing ones office as a maximizing unit is
particularly troublesome when bureaucrats are in
a monopoly position. - Competition between bureaucrats might drive down
bribes and bring the outcome closer to the
initial equilibrium. - Departments could be given the right to issue
licenses and permits also in areas that belong
(geographically or functionally) to other
departments. Their jurisdiction would overlap.
This suggestion has thus been labeled
overlapping jurisdiction. - This solution appears attractive when
bureaucrats extort payments in exchange for
licenses and permits. Payments for extortion
would be reduced to zero.
5Bureaucratic Competition
- But it fails in many other areas of the public
sector - In public procurement contracts can be awarded
only once. There is a natural monopoly in the
awarding of a contract and the principle is of no
use. - Whenever corruption involves also the defrauding
of the state (e.g. tax collectors underreporting
due taxes in exchange for a bribe), competition
would ensure that the most fraudulent bureaucrats
are preferred by customers. - Whenever truthful inspection of application
requirements is needed, competition would no
longer ensure that the best qualified bureaucrats
are selected by clients. - Similar problems are observed with regulators
and inspectors a race towards the lowest
standards may arise.
6Bureaucratic Competition
- An approach of overlapping jurisdictions would
effectively decrease bribes in areas where
bureaucrats formerly extorted businesspeople. - But the concept runs counter to other legitimate
tasks of the bureaucracy such as tax collection,
inspection and regulation.
Hints for Reform
7Political Competition
- Some economic models assume benevolence among
policymakers. This assumption is sometimes
overemphasized. - Politicians may not be primarily motivated by
productive efficiency or the public interest. - How does competition affect the goals pursued by
politicians? - Competition for votes is commonly seen to reduce
corruption. - This effect is parallel to that of the invisible
hand in private markets even self-seeking
politicians must convince voters by effectively
containing corruption among bureaucrats and among
their own ranks.
8Political Competition
- Competition among politicians thus enables
society to get rid of those performing poorly. - Competition disciplines politicians fear for
their office when losing votes. - This effect becomes stronger if votes are
pivotal for staying in office. - A political leader who loses or wins anyways
is little disciplined by elections.
vote
A politicians indifference curve
50
income
9Political Competition
- However, this effect can be undermined by
various forces - Promises to reduce corruption may not be
credible. - Crucial for sound competition is not the amount
of political parties, because these might be
founded ad hoc and may be unable to make credible
commitments. - Crucial is also whether political parties have a
long-standing tradition that keeps them from
disappointing their voters. - The proceeds from corruption can be shared in
exchange for political support. Honest
politicians have fewer such resources at their
disposal and fail to obtain support from
influential actors. - This represents another type of political
corruption, not aimed at generating income for
politicians but subverting the electoral process.
10Political Competition
- Another downside effect of competition relates to
the subordinates (agents) of politicians (the
principal). - Agents may obtain bargaining power when they can
choose between supporting different principals. - Thus, competition may weaken politicians control
over agents (e.g. departments, regulation
authorities). - In return for political support politicians may
turn a blind eye to bribe-taking among lower
levels in the public service.
11Political Competition
Parker and Hart,December 8, 2001
12Political Competition
- Empirical results from a cross-section of
countries reveal that democracy and levels of
corruption do not correlate well, once
regressions are controlled for income. - Only those democracies that are in place for
decades exhibit systematically lower levels of
corruption. - Investigating non-linear influences is revealing.
An ambiguous impact is obtained for countries
scoring between 7 and 2 in the Freedom House
index. Only the good score of 1 brings about
decreased corruption. - Higher participation in general election is
important for containing corruption. - Fighting corruption by introducing political
freedom is possible, but it is a thorny road
where in transition corruption may even increase.
13Political Competition
- Political competition can in the long run lower
levels of corruption. - Political parties and candidates must establish
long-term oriented programs that can be
identified by voters and must seek ways to commit
to their announcements. - Clear rules on party and election finance appear
indispensable for democratic systems to reduce
political corruption.
Hints for Reform
14Competitive Lobbying
- Public servants have ample opportunities to sell
preferential treatment to private parties. They
can protect firms by hindering competition
impose import quotas or tariffs grant tax
privileges give subsidies award profitable
contracts privatize industries. - These activities are valuable to private parties.
We call the associated value rent a surplus
the accrues to a firm beyond what the firm would
obtain otherwise. - Once rents are created private firms attempt to
get hold of this favor. They compete with the
help of lobbying and corruption. - This type of rent-seeking differs from (normal
microeconomic) profit-seeking where investments
into production bring about profit only if
someone else is better off buying a superior
product.
15Competitive Lobbying
- Wizard of ID, Parker and Hart, March 9, 2000
16Competitive Lobbying
Supply Marginal Costs
Rent
Marginal Revenue
Demand
0
Quantity
17Competitive Lobbying
Only one out of n firms can win the competition
for a monopolistic position created by the state,
worth an exogenously given value R. The
probability for winning the competition (pi) is
proportional to a firm's investments into
rent-seeking (xi). A single firms' probability
decreases with the investments undertaken by its
competitors (xj). Expenses for rent-seeking have
no value to any of the firms or the state.
, i, j 1, ..., n Firms are
risk-neutral, face identical (profit and
probability) functions and are unable to
influence their competitors' level of
rent-seeking xj. They maximize the expected
profit, E(piR-xi).
18Competitive Lobbying
The first order condition is
Introducing symmetry, xixjx. This brings about
the Cournot-Nash-equilibrium
19Competitive Lobbying
In the case of two players, the first order
condition simplifies and the following reaction
function is obtained
Symmetry (xixjx) brings about
20Competitive Lobbying
Figure 1 Rent-seeking with two players
xj
xixi(xj)
R/4
xjxj(xi)
xi
0
R/4
R
21Competitive Lobbying
x
R/4
Total expenses (S) for rent-seeking then sum up
to
S
R
22Competitive Lobbying
- What are the consequences for welfare?
- The creation of rents not only distorts private
markets, leading to inefficient outcomes (for
example due to monopolistic dominance). - There are additional costs because firms pay for
bribes and lobbying. They devote resources
without creating a social surplus. - Waste only arises in case of competition.
- Waste increases with the number of competitors.
- In case of lacking competition the monopolist can
be sure to obtain the rent and will not expend
resources for lobbying.
23Competitive Lobbying
- If you two behave like this while sharing every
item, I'm going to unilaterally decide which
state should have what! - Laxman,
- Times of India,
- December 7, 2000
24Competitive Lobbying
- Corruption versus lobbying what is the
difference? - Public decisions are for sale in both cases, but
- As opposed to lobbying, corruption is
intransparent and entails little competition. - Politicians profit from corrupt payments (bribes)
but not from lobbying, which may entail
harassment instead. - Lobbyists represent broader interests while
corruptors represent only their own interest. - The conclusion by rent-seeking theory is most
unusual Corruption is better than lobbying
because it entails little competition and
resources are not wasted but merely transferred
to politicians.
25Competitive Lobbying
- One key shortcoming of the model Rent-seeking
theory provides no adequate description for the
causes of policy distortions and the creation of
rents. - Rent-seeking theory fails to observe that
corruption can cause the creation of rents. - Politicians will weight the welfare losses of the
rent R against political benefits from imposing
the relevant market restrictions. - Thus, is competition really bad?
- Not necessarily when the size of rents is itself
a function of rent-seeking expenses. - Public servants will create rents (R) when they
are induced to do so primarily by bribes.
26Competitive Lobbying
- The positive impact of rent-seeking expenses (S)
on the rent (R) will be felt more when few
competitors exist. For competing firms the
overall size of the rent is a public good which
they will hardly lobby for. - For a monopolist the total rent is not a public
good but his own private good. A monopolist may
thus be willing to devote resources to
rent-seeking activities. - As opposed to lobbying, corruption is more
forceful in motivating distorting rents. - Lobbying is more transparent and includes broader
segments of society. It can represent a form of
participation where not narrow defined interests
are exchanged but responsibility for broader
interests emerges. - Lobbying should be preferred.
27Competitive Lobbying
- Lobbyists can be turned into partners in the
fight against corruption. - Once transparent rules and codes of conduct for
lobbyists are passed, these may be helpful in
disciplining their members. - They can help in ordering communication between
business and politics. - Hindering lobbyism may backfire.
Hints for Reform
28Competitive Lobbying
- Lobbies face organizational difficulties they
strive to obtain a rent for a whole sector, even
if the individual firms do not contribute to the
functioning of the lobby. - Members face a prisoners dilemma, which may
hinder the foundation and functioning of a lobby.
- Is this good or bad?
- Some researchers argue that this is good, because
lobbies intervene in otherwise undistorted
decisions. - I would argue that it is bad, because lobbies
balance the various interests of their members to
form broader interest that are pursued
transparently only those striving for narrow
interests will survive if lobbies are hindered.
29Competitive Lobbying
- Independent courts and Presidents with veto power
restrict the parliaments capacity to sell
laws. - Courts have discretionary power in interpreting
law courts check the consistency of laws against
older legislation and the constitution, setting
preferences in case of conflict courts have the
power to reject the enforcement of new laws. - In case of a veto power, two parties must be paid
for passing favorable laws. - Both institutions introduce continuity in the
otherwise unbound and potentially arbitrary laws
enacted by parliament. - Are veto powers helpful in containing corruption?
30Competitive Lobbying
- Some would argue that this is bad, because the
value of rents increases. Laws, once passed,
assign long-term income streams to those who were
able to influence legislation in their favor. The
judiciary helps to enforce the 'deals' made by
effective interest groups with earlier
legislatures. - I would argue, instead, that this is good. Laws
that are valid over a longer period will be
fought for by larger lobbies which promote
broader interests. Quickly changing laws and ad
hoc decisions are lobbied for by those striving
for narrow interests. - Still, the overall judgment on the usefulness of
veto powers is more complex, in particular,
because there might be intransparent collusion
among veto powers.
31Appendix
Discussions1) What is the concept of
overlapping jurisdictions? Where may it help in
reducing corruption, where not? 2) Does
competition for political positions increase or
decrease corruption? Explain the diverging
positions!3) What is rent-seeking as opposed to
profit-seeking?4) What determines the extent of
waste?5) Why is competition regarded to be
harmful by rent-seeking theory?6) Why is
competition for rents not as bad as suggested by
rent-seeking theory?7) What are the pros and
cons of independent courts and political veto
powers?
32Appendix
Exercise Three firms compete for a monopoly
license for gambling. The total rent is US 180
Mio. a) One firm assumes that its competitors
will spend US 10 Mio. for bribes and lobbying
each. Determine its optimum probability to win
the contest, assuming that its probability to win
the contest is proportional its own rent-seeking
expenses, divided by all firms expenses!b) If
all firms expect their competitors to optimize
their rent-seeking expenses (Cournot-Nash
solution), how much will each spend for this
purpose? c) Rent-Seeking theory concludes total
rent-seeking expenses increase with the number of
firms. What is the economic reason for this
conclusion? d) Why may this relationship not
arise in reality?