Title: Horizontal Inequality: Importance and Measurement
1Horizontal Inequality Importance and Measurement
2Plan of lecture
- What HIs are
- How group boundaries are formed
- Why HIs matter
- Some examples
- Some findings on HIs and conflict
- Why HIs persist
- Measurement issues
- Policy conclusions
3WHAT HIS ARE Perspectives on inequality
- Most economists measure and evaluate VERTICAL
inequality among individuals or households. - And most attention paid to income inequality.
- Policies (efficiency/poverty) all in terms of
individuals. - Welfare (utilitarians) or wellbeing and
capabilities focus on individuals.
4WHAT HIS AREHorizontal Inequality (HI)
- HI is inequality between groups .
- Economists often group people by income
categories. - Here aim to classify people into groups which
have meaning to members, viewed by people
themselves, or others as important aspect of
identity. - Group boundaries vary in different societies (and
over time) - Examples of salient identities
- Ethnic/tribe African
- Religious most regions notable N.Ireland
Middle East - Race e.g. South Africa Malaysia Fiji
- Regional (overlaps with other identities)
- Caste (India)
- Class (Latin America)
5WHAT HIS ARERole of class
- LA especially class more of identity apparently
than ethnicity. - Performs same role as mobiliser.
- Often coincides with other differences
(indigenous race) - Where class is group identity, sharp HI
inevitable. - Diminishing role of class post-cold war rising
role of ethnicity - a virtual cornucopia of these seemingly
intractable (and previously invisible) social
identity conflicts exploded onto the world scene
and captured the public and policy eyes.
(Center for Systematic Peace)
6 WHAT HIS AREProportion of conflicts classified
as ethnic
Source Calculated from Marshall (2006)
7WHAT HIS AREHIs are Multidimensional
- Dimensions are those that matter to members
affect well-being, sense of injustice, actions. - Salient dimensions vary according to nature of
society/economy - Important dimensions include
- Politics (political participation, power, at all
levels). - Economic resources and outcomes (access to
assets, employment, incomes). - Social, including services (health/education/water
.. and social networks). - Cultural status
- Should also be true of vertical, but despite lip
service rarely included.
8GROUP BOUNDARIESImportant question what
determines group boundaries?
- Boundaries often arbitrary.
- Multiple identities. Which do we/others
emphasise? E.g. white black classification,
Brazil/US - Fluid. Mestiso in Latin America. Indigenous,
cholo. - Salient groups can change over time. (Moslems in
Sri Lanka Iwerri in Biafra).
9GROUP BOUNDARIES Anthroplogists views
- Four views of anthropologists
- Primordial deep historic, even biological
origins boundaries rigid and unchangeable. (e.e.
Smith). Yet boundaries change over time. - Instrumentalist leaders create identities for a
purpose, administrative, economic, political.
(Cohen Glazer and Moynihan.) - Constructionist identities made and
remade.(Anderson). - Categorisation approach (by others Barth
Brubaker and Cooper).
10GROUP BOUNDARIESInstrumentalism Colonial
construction
- Modern Central Africa tribes are not so much
survivals from a pre-colonial past but rather
colonial creations by colonial officers and
African intellectuals.. (Wim van Binsbergen) - In nineteenth century far from there being a
single tribal identity, most Africans moved in
and out of multiple identities, defining
themselves at one moment as subject to this
chief, at another moment as a member of that
cult, at another moment as part of this clan, and
at yet another moment as an initiate in that
professional guild. (Ranger).
11WHY DO HIS MATTER? Construction and use of
identities for mobilising support for conflict
- Increasing since end of Cold War.
- Identities constructed and emphasised by leaders
to get support. - Powerful mobilising agent. Ethnicity or religion.
E.g. Bosnia, Rwanda, Sudan. N.Ireland. France - But not plucked from air constrained by
history, language etc. Those with perceptions of
common identity share some markers (language,
behaviour, rituals, religious practices). - Differences seem real to participants. Turton
the very effectiveness of ethnicity as a
means of advancing group interests depends upon
its being seen as primordial by those who
make claims in its name
12WHY DO HIS MATTER?Why do HIs matter?
- Instrumental
- Affects economic growth. Group handicap prevents
efficient solutions. Unequal access to assets,
markets, social capital. - Affects poverty. If discrimination major reason
for poverty, the group-blind policies may not
work. Plus conflict reduces growth. - Direct impact on Wellbeing.
- Group inequality affects peoples
well-being.Being Black and feeling Blue .
Akerlof welfare function. - Resentment of others.
- Knowledge that chances of being discriminated
against are high. - Political Instability
13WHY DO HIS MATTER? Affects political stability
- HIs can lead to group mobilisation
- Ethnic or religious boundaries powerful source of
mobilisation in general, but - Especially where there are blatent HIs. Used by
ethnic entrepreneurs. Maybe worse if growing.
Many examples - Rwanda
- N.Ireland
- Kosova.
- Sri Lanka
- Also riots
- US cities in 1970s
- Sporadic, cities in UK
- Many examples in developing countries India.
- Also applies internationally.
14WHY DO HIS MATTER? Group identity, inequality
and conflict major hypothesis
- Vast majority of groups live together peacefully
- Cultural/group differences only become salient
or potentially a means of political mobilisation,
especially for violence, when OTHER factors
present. - Cohen AMen may and do certainly joke about or
ridicule the strange and bizarre customs of men
from other ethnic groups, because these customs
are different from their own. But they do not
fight over such differences alone. When men do
fight across ethnic lines it is nearly always
the case that they fight over some fundamental
issues concerning the distribution and exercise
of power, whether economic, political, or both_at_ - I.e. cultural differences do not lead to
violent conflict unless there are also major
economic and/or political causes.
15EXAMPLES OF HIS
16EXAMPLES OF HIS Chiapas, Mexico
17EXAMPLES OF HIS
18EXAMPLES OF HIS South Africa
19CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGSSome findings of
CRISE research on HIs and conflict
- Probability of conflict arises as socio-economic
HIs increase Econometric cross-country evidence
by Ostby Gurr Barrows Within country evidence,
Mancini Gates and Murshed. Using a variety of
group definitions and HI definitions. - N.b.PROBABILITY NOT CERTAINTY.
20CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGS
- 2. Conflict more likely where political and
socio-economic HIs are consistent. - - political HIs motivate leaders
socio-economic followers. - - examples Cote dIvoire, versus Malaysia and
Nigeria. Warri versus Calbar.
21CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGS
- 3. Inclusive government tends to prevent
conflict. - - Econometric evidence shows that PR, and
federalism tends to reduce conflict probability. - - Contrast Bolivia and Peru and Guatemala Ghana
and Nigeria and Cote dIvoire.
22CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGS
- 4. Citizenship can be important source of
exclusion. - - citizenship confers political, economic and
social rights. Therefore source of general
exclusion (HIs) - - source of exclusion
- i. States decide to remove citizneship
rights (Nazis Uganda towards Asians) - ii. Migrants refused citizenship even after
generations (Cote dIvoire) - iii. State changes Czechoslvakia division
left Roma peoples stateless. - - can be LOCAL as well as national Indonesia,
Ghana and Nigeria, Indigenes versus settlers.
23CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGS
- 5. Perceptions important as well as observed
inequalities. - E.g. in Nigeria and Ghana, dont perceive big
differences in access to jobs, but do perceive
differences in access to govt. jobs and
contracts. - In Nigeria, generally perceive themselves as more
ethnic and less national.
24CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGS
- 6. Natural resources can be important source of
HI, creating - -regional inequalities in incomes
- - regional resentments about rdistribution
- - within region inequalities.
- This is one mechanism linking NR to conflict
others include finance, and greed.
25CRISE RESEARCH SOME FINDINGS
- 7. Nature of state hugely important as to whether
HIs lead to conflict. - - state accommodating in Ghana conflicts less
so in rest of West Africa. - - state actions in Aceh,Indonesia, and Guatemala
fueled and prolonged conflict. - - accommodating state in Sabah, Malaysia
prevented violent separatism in contrast to
Thailand, Philippines, East Timor.
26THE PERSISTENCE OF HIS
- Many HIs very persistent.
- Persistent inequalities in Ghana (North-South)
US black-white indigenous people, Latin America - Last centuries.
- Wellbeing impact worse because of this.
27THE PERSISTENCE OF HIS North south inequalities
in Ghana over 60 years
28THE PERSISTENCE OF HIS Reasons for persistence
in HIs
- Initial inequality (often colonial cause) leads
to multiple disadvantages - 1.Inequality of incomes generates inequalities
in accumulation, including Hk. - 2. Asymmetry of social capital, especially
marked across groups, because groups have more
intra-group contacts and fewer between group
contacts. Poorer groups have less advantageous
contacts. - 3. Interaction among capitals low Hk worsens
returns to financial capital low financial
capital reduces returns to Kk. Low social capital
reduces returns to each. - 4. Continued discrimination.
- 5. Political HIs which reinforce disadvantage.
29THE PERSISTENCE OF HIS Returns to education in
Peru.
30MEASUREMENT Measurement issues
- What are we trying to measure?
- Many approaches measure group inequality as
component of total inequality, - i.e. BG WG inequality (vertical).
- HI BG/WG.
- This approach, HI measure depends on intra-group
inequality. Same group average difference would
be much greater if WG is low than if IG is high. - Want an independent measure of HIs.
31MEASUREMENT Differences between measuring HI and
VI
- Groups have members, size differs.
- Individuals enjoy welfare, not groups. Measures
of VI may be welfare related. Less clear that HI
measures should be. - Within group distribution may differ not
applicable to VI.
32MEASUREMENT Some issues
- Not looking for a measure of welfare. (Note
Sen/Anand measure wellbeing of whole according to
gender distribution GDI.) A descriptive measure
that is helpful for researching consequences of
group inequality and for policy. - Should group size influence measure?
- Should intra-group distribution influence
measure? - As such, i.e. value group performance differently
according to distribution within group - Value differences according to whole
distribution, not just mean. - What should we do about multidimensional nature
of HIs?
33MEASUREMENT Measuring HIs without looking at
intra-group distribution
- Possible measures
- Group Gini, or Gini weighted by population
(GGini) compares every group with every other - Group weighted coefficient of variance (GCOV)
squares differences from mean. - Group Theil, weighted by population especially
sensitive to low end of distribution. Good for
decomposition, but we are not interested in that
property.
34Weighted GCOV
GGINI
GTHEIL
35MEASUREMENTRejectedmeasures
- Estaban Ray polarisation index. Like Gini but
weights by population according to a factor , 1
a, where 1lta lt1.6, typically a1.5. a increases
weight given to large groups, and index rises as
population is divided among fewer more equal
sized groups. - Measures groups by income difference, not by
other characteristics (race etc.)
36ER (k,?)
K1/y, a 1.5
37MEASUREMENT Zhang/Kanbur
- Uses Theil to decompose.
- The ratio of BG/WG, thus shows relative
contribution of BG and WG, not BG as such.
38MEASUREMENT Odds ratio (Chakravarty).
- Ratio of odds that an individual of group A will
be poor to odds that individual of group B will
be poor (or other characteristic). - Two group comparison, like simple ratios.
39Unwted GCOV
Wted GCOV
Wted Gini
ER measure
White-black income p.head ratio
South Africa 1970-2000
40MEASUREMENT General empirical findings on
differences In measures
- 1. GCov, GTheil and GGini highly correlated with
each other. - 2.Poorly correlated with measures of vertical
inequality, or with ER or ZK. - 3. Simple group ratios sometimes most informative.
41MEASUREMENT Whole distribution
- Some advantage in measures which include allow
one to look at comparisons across whole
distribution - Political and policy differences according to
where inequality is.
42C1
Group A
B1
D1
43MEASUREMENT a-means (Foster).
- a -means (Foster), weights each distribution
according to a value, a. - The higher a the more high incomes are valued,
and conversely. - where a1 (the arithmetic mean) the mean value is
most sensitive to median incomes. - For values of a lt 1, more sensitive to low
values of X and increasingly so as a decreases. - Comparing a-means for different values of a thus
indicates how HIs differ in different parts of
the income distributions of the two groups and
thus allows a comparison of group means in
different quantiles of each groups distribution
of variable X.
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45MEASUREMENT Multidimensionality?
- Always lose information.
- Does not make sense at all across major
dimensions politics, economics, culture. - Variety of approaches within dimensions
- Standardise and average
- Dominance
- Decisions all somewhat arbitrary.
46POLICIES Policy conclusions
- HIs can be serious policy needs to address them,
in all economies with marked inequalities. - Important for general wellbeing and poverty
reduction as well as political stability - NOT included in normal economic or political
policies. - Policies similar to those towards exclusion
47POLICIES
- HIs neglected, in international policy
- Aid, often worsens HIs.
- Structural adjustment
- PRSPs
- Also multiparty democracy
- But more included in Human rights approach
and Social exclusion approach. - Much more often included in national policies.
48POLICIES 3 types of policy
- Direct targeted. Cab be effective. But can
entrench ethnicity. - Indirect may be less effective, but also arouse
less hostility. - Towards greater intergration very long term.
49POLICIES Indirect Policies can
- Relate to process. V. important where processes
previously biassed N.Ireland. (I.e. equal
opportunities) But generally insufficient. Legal
policies need backing up with support for legal
access, and leverage (e.g. via contracts) - Focus on public sector
- Fiscal policies
- Expenditure, including beneficiaries, contracts
and jobs - Use regional policy, where groups are regionally
concentrated or even district or neighbourhood
policies.
50POLICIES Categories of direct economic and
social policies
- Assets
- Land (Malaysia Zimbabwe Fiji Namibia)
- Financial capital (Malaysia S.Africa)
- Terms of privatisation often unequalising
- Credit (Fiji Malaysia)
- Education (Malaysia Sri Lanka).
- Skills and training (Brazil, New Zealand)
- Public sector infrastructure (S.Africa).
- Housing (N.Ireland).
- Social capital? neighbourhoods clubs
- Incomes
- Employment policies
- Public sector (Malaysia Sri Lanka)
- Private sector (S.Africa)
- Fiscal policies inc.
- Transfer payments (often for age or gender, not
for ethnic group) - Terms of trade
51POLICIES Main consequences
- Mostly successful in reducing gaps, but rarely in
eliminating them. (But N.Ireland education. Sri
Lanka). - Does not seem to reduce efficiency. In fact may
increase it. - Must work on economic as well as social
(N.Ireland, Malaysia v. Ghana, US).
52POLICIES Negative consequences
- May reduce inter-group inequality, but increase
intra-group. (But intra-group decreased in
Malaysia more evidence needed). - Claimed to entrench ethnicity as category. But
with sharp HIs these may be entrenched anyway
(N.Ireland, US). If changes ethnic division of
labour may reduce ethnic salience. - Can provoke political protest, even violence, Sri
Lanka clearest example. Micro (non-policy) cases
in Indonesia. But elsewhere reduces political
violence Malaysia, N. Ireland, US
53POLICIES Malaysia a successful case of reducing
econ/social HIs.
- 1971, following anti-Chinese riots, 1969. NEP.
Aim to secure national unity. - Characteristics.
- Two prong to reduce and eventually eradicate
poverty and to accelerate the process of
restructuring Malaysian society to correct
economic imbalance so as to reduce and eventually
eliminate the identification of race with
economic function (Second Malaysian Plan
1971-1975) - a variety of anti-poverty policies (rural
development social services). - restructuring
- expand Bumiputera share of capital ownership to
30. - 95 of new lands to be settled on Malays
- educational quotas in public institutions laid
down, in line with population shares - credit policies favoured Malays, with credit
allocations and more favourable interest rates.
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56POLICIES N.Ireland economic changes underlying
political ones
- His large, persistent and consistent over all
dimensions over a long time period - gtBy the end of the nineteenth century Protestants
controlled the vast bulk of the economic
resources of east Ulster - the best of its land,
its industrial and financial capital, commercial
and business networks, industrial skills.(Ruane
and Todd 1996) - no narrowing of the gap between the communities
from 1901 to 1970s, with Catholics disadvantaged
at every level. - u/e gap widened
- New policies to reduce gaps from late 1970s Fair
Employment Acts, 1976 1989 housing policy.
Police Acts 1998,2000, 2003 50 recruitment aim.
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58N. Ireland intervention on HIs and peace
Troubles
Cease fire
Good Fri agreement
59Political sensitivity Sri Lanka case
60In conclusion
- HIs are important for wellbeing and
instrumentally. - Neglected in much data collection and policy.
- Range of policies available, economic and
political, which can be effective without
sacrifice of efficiency. - Policies needed in ANY society with sharp
divisions, not only those with recent conflict. - NB. Focus on HIs does not discount importance of
other issues growth, environment, poverty and
VI.