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What are the impacts of cash transfer schemes?

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Title: What are the impacts of cash transfer schemes?


1
What are the impacts of cash transfer schemes?
  • COUNTRIES
  • Ethiopia
  • Lesotho
  • Malawi
  • Zambia
  • South Africa
  • IMPACTS
  • Maternal / child health development
  • Vulnerable populations (OVC, PLWHA, elderly)
  • Nutrition
  • Food security
  • Economic empowerment
  • Asset accumulation

2
Ethiopia
  • John Hoddinott
  • IFPRI
  • j.hoddinott_at_cgiar.org

3
Impact of Ethiopias Productive Safety Nets
Programme
  • Against the background of rising food prices and
    widespread drought, participation in the public
    works component of the PSNP between 2006 and 2008
    had modest effects. It
  • Improves food security by 0.40 months
  • Increased growth in livestock holdings by 0.28
    Tropical Livestock Units (TLU).
  • Improved the resilience of households as measured
    by their ability to raise funds in an emergency
    and
  • Relative to non-beneficiaries, beneficiary
    households perceive that their welfare has
    improved.
  • These aggregate results generated by the use of
    matching methods - mask important differences
    within the sample of beneficiary households.

4
Impact of the PSNP, contd
  • Program impacts on asset accumulation are greater
    when higher levels of transfers are received and
    when participants have access to both the PSNP
    and agricultural productivity packages such as
    improved seeds.
  • On average, households receiving high levels of
    transfers had a 14.3 percent higher growth rate
    in the value of their livestock holdings.
  • Access only to public works transfers, or only to
    specific agricultural packages of services such
    as irrigation or seeds, had no effect on
    agricultural productivity as measured by wheat or
    maize yields. By contrast, households where both
    public works transfers and these services were
    received saw large increasesover 200 kg/hain
    wheat and maize yields.

5
Impact of the PSNP, contd
  • Payment for at least 10 days work per month in
    the three months prior to the 2008 survey
    improved food security, even though food prices
    were rising dramatically at the time. These
    households experienced a 19.2-percent higher
    growth rate in caloric acquisition and higher
    growth in livestock holdings.
  • The PSNP does indeed act as a safety net.
    Restricting the treatment group to households
    that received at least 10 days work per month in
    the three months prior to the 2008 survey and
    reported being affected by drought, program
    participation increases the growth rate of
    caloric acquisition by 30 percent.

6
Impact of the PSNP, contd
  • Receipt of public works transfers under the PSNP
    crowds out private transfers, but by a very small
    amount
  • There is no meaningful evidence that
    participation in Public Works employment has a
    disincentive effect on adult male or female labor
    employed in nonfarm own-business activities, wage
    employment, or work on the family farm.
  • When payments are near the level intended in the
    program design, school attendance rates increase
    substantially for boys (19 percentage points),
    and for girls age 11-16 years (15 percentage
    points).
  • PSNP public works transfers plus agricultural
    productivity packages increase child labor by
    girls by (4.5 hours per week).
  • There was no evidence that receipt of PSNP
    transfers improves child anthropometric status.

7
Lesotho
  • David Croome
  • dr.croome_at_nul.ls

8
LESOTHO PENSION CHILD HEALTH - 1
  • Health of babies relatively good but significant
    growth problems from malnutrition as children get
    old
  • Pension seen as household income, allocated by
    pensioner
  • 20 used for health, mainly access to local
    doctors and clinics.
  • Use for childrens health not specified
  • Pension cash used for transport to clinics and
    for medicines

9
LESOTHO PENSION CHILD HEALTH - 2
  • When pension started, clinics required user fees,
    especially in church-owned facilities (50 of all
    provision)
  • 2009, clinic fees abolished, but still cost for
    transport etc. More use being made of facilities

10
LESOTHO PENSION CHILD HEALTH - 3
  • Children benefiting from pension cash providing
    more food in the household.
  • General situation Effect of pension probably
    quite small. Need more active community health
    service to take health care to the children in
    school (Free primary education 90 kids in
    school)

11
LESOTHO PENSION VULNERABLE GROUPS - 1
  • Orphans and Vulnerable children (OVCs)
  • AIDS related vast increase in OVC number
  • 200,000 10 of population
  • 60 of pensioners claim to be left with 1 or more
    OVCs to look after. ( n.b, OVC dumping, pensioner
    has a little regular cash and cannot run away)
  • Real problems of caring. Old people unaware of
    modern needs for care. Esp. for HIV infected
    children, needs from schooling.
  • ? Additional pension for OVC carers.

12
LESOTHO PENSION VULNERABLE GROUPS - 2
  • Women
  • Over 75 pensioners are women. In Lesotho a
    large proportion (gt 80) are literate
  • Strong evidence that pensioner and households
    agree that pension belongs to the pensioner, who
    must the decide allocation within household.
  • Substantial evidence that position of old women
    is enhanced, spending allocations accepted (lt5
    of occasions where pensioner subject to violence)

13
LESOTHO PENSION VULNERABLE GROUPS - 3
  • Case History Me Marabeki
  • Widow looking after 4 OVC grandchildren in her
    small hut in local village. Little cash income
    from her own children.
  • Did not claim pension because she misunderstood
    documentation required. Childrens situation seen
    by teacher. Arranges for her to get pension
  • But, chooses to spend money on getting rid of her
    mourning clothes, worn for death of daughter and
    fund family celebrations

14
LESOTHO PENSION NUTRITION - 1
  • 55 of Basotho households classified as
    chronically hungry In mountain areas may be
    70. No cash incomes, subsistence farming
    opportunities poor.
  • Pension makes significant difference, chronic
    hunger cut by up to 50, esp. in v. poor areas
  • Not much evidence of pension invested in
    improving yields from subsistence farming. C 3
    used for seed, fertilizers, more livestock

15
LESOTHO PENSION NUTRITION - 2
  • 60-70 of pension cash used for food for
    household. Pensioner get 40 of this.
  • Cash grant used to buy shop foods, esp. meat,
    dairy products, sweets , pasta, rice, biscuits
  • Evidence of some extra expenditure on alcohol and
    tobacco
  • Contributions to church and charities

16
LESOTHO PENSION FOOD SECURITY
  • Little evidence from surveys/ but, pension seen
    as a vital safety net for food purchases in
    times of drought and failure of subsistence
    farming
  • Pension could probably supply half the amount of
    food needed for household in month, if no other
    resources available. Note availability of free
    primary school meals
  • Food expenditure smoothing, traders will make
    short term loans for food on the security of
    pension

17
LESOTHO PENSION ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT 1
  • Expenditure smoothing
  • Local job creation, but small scale and may be
    replacing previous unpaid services
  • May help most those that already are above the
    poverty /chronic hunger line

18
LESOTHO PENSION ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT- 2
  • Some , mostly anecdotal evidence that some women
    are released from role of care givers to the
    elderly relations. This now provided by local
    non-relatives paid for from pension. Released
    women can get jobs in textile factories

19
LESOTHO PENSION ASSET ACCUMULATION
  • Little evidence of this from surveys. 98 of
    pension is spent, almost all on immediate
    consumption. But
  • I) Surveys done soon after pension first grated.
    Asset accumulation needs longer term planning
  • II) Surveys done in areas with few of the 20 in
    general population considered well off ( Lesotho
    has very skewed income distribution, low A prop
    to save, poor financial structures to help
    saving)
  • SHOULD MORE ATTENTION BE GIVEN TO HELPING
    PENSIONERS SAVE AND INVEST ?

20
LESOTHO PENSION WIDER ECONOMIC IMPACTS
  • Total flow of new cash into the area probably
    too small to have much general impact. Note that
    national, expenditure multiplier very small
    because 70 of consumption goods are imported
  • Some immediate benefits for local traders on
    pension days, but traders often not from the
    permanent community.
  • Lesotho has a poor record of using dextra
    funding for development purposes. Poor
    implementation, alleged political interference.
    Main value of pension is at micro level of
    household.

21
Malawi
  • Candace Miller
  • Boston University
  • candace_at_bu.edu

22
Anthropometry (children lt 5)
C I Difference in differences (percentage points) p-value
Stunting (height for age z score lt-2) Baseline 52 51
0-36 months n134 Endline 59 48 -12.0 0.33
Underweight (weight for age z score lt-2) Baseline 38 36
0-36 months n139 Endline 29 14 -13.2 0.21
Key C Comparison/control household I
Intervention household
Miller, Tsoka, Reichert. (2009). The Malawi
Social Cash Transfer and the impact of 14 per
month on child health and growth. In review.
23
Height gain and recent illnesses
Height gain in centimeters
Recent illnesses
Key C Comparison/control household I
Intervention household
Miller, Tsoka, Reichert. (2009). The Malawi
Social Cash Transfer and the impact of 14 per
month on child health and growth. In review.
24
Education and child work
Age of child / youth Age of child / youth Boys Boys Boys Boys Girls Girls Girls Girls
C I Double Difference ( points work) Double Difference ( points work) C I Double Difference ( points work) Double Difference ( points work)
Income Generating Activities Baseline 12 11 16 16
Endline 18 6 -11 15 6 -10
25
Food security and nutrition (16,16)
  • Focus Groups with children (n169 children 16
    groups)
  • We are not starving anymore because they buy us
    food everyday (F, 9)
  • We are happy nowin the past we were not eating
    in the afternoon and sometimes in the evening.
    Now we are able to eat 3 times a day. We are able
    to eat good food like meat and fish (F,10)
  • Now we dont frequently get ill since we are
    eating different types of food to make our bodies
    strong (M,15)

26
Education Increased attendance/performance,
school fees paid, purchased uniforms (16/16)
  • We are also benefiting by getting good education
    because we have uniforms and we are going to
    school everyday (F,13)
  • We have more chance because we have everything
    in life, our parents receive money from the cash
    transfer we have food, school uniforms, exercise
    books, pens, and clothes. While our friends dont
    have that(F,13)
  • We are also scoring good grades because we are
    very attentive in class because we eat good food,
    we have uniforms and books and pencils due to
    scheme money (F,12)

27
PLWHA (in depth interviews n24)
Percent describing positive impacts for themselves Percent describing positive impacts for themselves
Personal health improved 10 of 24
Transportation costs paid for 9 of 24
Better Nutrition / food security 17 of 24
Employment 9 of 24
Buying livestock 15 of 24
Purchasing other basic necessities 15 of 24
Percent describing positive impacts on family
Adequate housing 13 of 24
Food security 16 of 24
Education costs met 18 of 24
Family health improved 6 of 24
Purchasing other basic necessities 15 of 24
28
Complementary healthcare
  • I am now able to receive the ARV at hospital
    I am able to buy medicine or use the money for
    transport to receive the ARV tablets. (F,30)
  • The frequency of falling sick has dropped now
    since receiving the transfers because I have
    something for food and painkillers (F,55)
  • So we use the money that we receive for transport
    once every 2 months to go and collect these ARV
    drugs from hospital (F,38)

29
Economic support / empowerment Can work or
buy labor
  • I can now have my garden cultivated because the
    money I receive from the scheme enables me to pay
    for labornowadays, I am able to have at least
    half of my field cultivated. (F,33)
  • We use this money as pay wages to those who are
    farming on our field. (M,48)
  • Since 2004, I was bed ridden and could not work
    but now I can do a little. (F,30)
  • I also grow sunflower for making cooking oil. (F,
    28)
  • I am able to buy chickens and managed to pay for
    casual labour. (F, 44)

30
Livestock/crops
  • I managed to buy a goat with this moneyI had to
    save the money for 3 months... I also bought 3
    chickens. (F, 42)
  • I bought one goat. I also bought 3 chickens but
    all these died. I bought one bag of fertilizer
    (F, 54)
  • I was also able to buy goats and build kraal for
    livestock. Able to keep buy fertilizer for this
    coming farming season. Managed to pay for ganyu
    people (F, 43)
  • I afford fertilizer last season and yield one
    ox-cart .... I have also managed to buy a goat
    in two installments. (F, 37)
  • I bought one pig which had piglets, but now there
    is one piglet, others died. I saved for
    fertilizer. Salt and milling fees were a problem,
    but now they are available. (M, 33)

31
Food security and diversity
HH food consumption is less than enough
HH members consume at least 2 meals daily
Households consuming meat / fish past week
Food Diversity Score
Miller, C., Tsoka, M, and Reichert, K. (2009).
The impact of the Social Cash Transfer Scheme on
food security in Malawi. In review.
32
Double difference intervention comparison
groups Weekly food expenditures
This is the difference in the amount of MK per
week added into the local economy for food due to
the SCTS for various items
33
Asset ownership
34
Asset ownership
SCTS households Comparison (non-SCTS households)
Axe
Sickle
Goats
Chickens
35
Percent of households that purchased items
between baseline and endline
SCTS households Comparison (non-SCTS households)
36
Larger Economic Impacts
  • About 90-95 of cash transfer money is fed back
    into local economy through purchase of
  • Food
  • Household items
  • Services
  • Many businesses benefit through increased sales
    smoothing seasonal cycles in turn, they build
    capital
  • Cash transfers recipients indirectly support
    family members outside of the household through
    labor, gifts, loans
  • Households that receive indirect inputs are able
    to purchase food, household items, healthcare etc.

37
Zambia
  • Gelson Tembo
  • University of Zambia
  • tembogel_at_zamnet.zm tembogel_at_yahoo.com

38
Impact of Social Cash Transfers on Household
Welfare, Investment and Education in Zambia
Ministry of Community Development and Social
Services
39
Introduction
  • 5 Social Cash Transfer (SCT) pilots in Zambia
  • Kalomo launched in May 2004, to be used as a
    model for the proposed national scale-up
  • Unconditional SCT scheme targeting the 10 most
    labour-constrained ultra-poor
  • The scheme was set up to meet the following
    objectives
  • Reduce extreme poverty amongst the poorest 10 in
    the district
  • Generate information on feasibility, costs and
    benefits and all positive and negative impacts of
    SCT as one component of a comprehensive SP
    programme
  • Community-based targeting

39
40
SCT Pilots in Zambia
District TA Agency Special Features
Kalomo GTZ PWAS, capacity building, scaling up
Monze GTZ the above, plus soft conditionality
Kazungula CARE transfer level
Chipata CARE urban transfers, school allowance
Katete CARE old-age pensions (age 60 plus)
TOTAL
Source adapted and updated from Zambia, 2007,
The Pilot Social Cash Transfer Scheme, Zambia,
Summary Report, 5th Edition, Lusaka MCDSS/GTZ,
May (Table 5, p.14)
40
41
Objectives of the Impact Evaluation
  • identify factors that explain household
    participation in the SCT programmes among
    eligible households
  • determine the impact of the SCT interventions on
  • welfare
  • investment
  • education
  • determine the impact of asset wealth on the
    effectiveness of the SCT programmes

41
42
Impact Evaluation
District Number of households Sample (bene controls) Methodology
Kalomo 3,300 886 Retrospective (MASDAR/RHVP)
Monze 3,300 2,748 Baseline (MASDAR/RHVP)
Kazungula 627 200 Retrospective (CARE)
Chipata 1,400 200 Retrospective (CARE)
Katete 1,000 - None
TOTAL 9,627
42
43
Methodology
  • Propensity score matching (PSM) through
    odds-weighted regression analysis was used to
    estimate impact
  • Propensity score satisfied a battery of balancing
    and common support tests
  • Impact was estimated both as an aggregate measure
    and disaggregated by asset wealth
  • A household was categorized as asset poor if it
    fell in the bottom two quintiles of the
    distribution of an asset wealth index,
  • Wealth index constructed using principal
    components analysis (PCA)

43
44
Characteristics of the sample households
Variable Chipata Kalomo Kazungula
Number of meals children per day 2.4 2.4 1.5
Household income (000 ZMK) 979.0 402.9 366.6
Age of household head (years) 55.4 58.9 61.9
Widow-headed households () 65.0 63.0 55.0
Male-headed households () 28.0 36.0 31.0
Orphanhood () 78.0 47.0 44.0
Effectively active members () 19.3 25.1 15.2
44
45
Determinants of Participation in the SCTs
  • Largely consistent with postulated targeting
    criteria
  • Widowhood (Kalomo/Chipata)
  • Age of HH head (Kalomo/Chipata)
  • Wealth status (Kalomo)
  • Household composition (Kazungula)
  • But significant exceptions
  • HH head gt61 years were 39 less likely
    (Kazungula)
  • Male-headed (31-45 years) were more likely
    (Kalomo)
  • Married HH head more likely than
    divorced/separated (Kazungula)
  • HHs closest to main roads, schools, clinics more
    likely (all)

45
46
Impact Estimates
46
47
Impact Estimates Welfare
  • Impact on consumption expenditure unambiguously
    positive and statistically significant in all
    three districts, regardless of the wealth status
  • Consumption effect was greatest on non-food items
  • In Chipata, effect of SCTs on non-food
    consumption expenditure was 9.6 percent greater
    among asset poor households than it was among
    their asset non-poor counterparts

47
48
Impact Estimates Investment
  • Impact of participation on value of small
    livestock was unambiguously positive and
    significant in the two rural schemes of Kalomo
    and Kazungula
  • Impact on investment in micro-enterprises was
    positive and significant in the urban-based
    scheme of Chipata
  • Program effects on value of livestock were
    greatest among asset poor households (Kalomo
    only)
  • Evidence of threshold effects on asset
    accumulation
  • Impact on asset accumulation positive and
    significant only among relatively non-poor
    households
  • Asset-poor households may require higher transfer
    levels
  • No discernible effect on cultivated land area in
    all three districts

48
49
Impact Estimates Education
  • Impact on educational outcomes was mixed
  • Enrolment rates improved only among boys in
    Kalomo
  • Attendance rates improved for both male and
    female children in Chipata (soft condition of
    school attendance linked to payment of
    educational premium), regardless of asset wealth
    category
  • Also improved for asset poor households in Kalomo
  • In Kazungula, attendance rates improved only
    among girls in asset non-poor households

49
50
Summary and Conclusions
  • SCT impact
  • Unambiguously positive for household welfare
  • More pronounced for non-food items
  • Asset wealth matters only in urban scheme
  • Investment effects significant but varied by
    design and setting of scheme
  • Small livestock in rural schemes
  • Micro-enterprises in urban scheme with
    educational premiums
  • Threshold effects with respect to asset
    accumulation
  • Educational effects were mixed
  • Enrolment rates improved only among boys in
    Kalomo
  • Attendance improved unambiguously in scheme with
    attendance soft condition
  • Attendance effects more heterogeneous in rural
    schemes
  • In conclusion, SCTs have scored but could be
    improved
  • Some outcomes require more time, design
    adjustments
  • Need to recognize heterogeneity among eligibles -
    No one size could fit all!

50
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