Syllable Complexity

1
Chapter 10

• Syllable Complexity
• English Phonotactics

2
Part A

• Variations in the Nucleus
• Variations in the Onset

3
Apparent Counterexamples to Sonority Sequencing

• rEkn, prIzm, kEtl, sEl?
• Q Why are these words not violations
• of sonority sequencing?
• A they are bisyllabic. English allows sonorant
  consonants as nuclei.

4
Non-vocalic Nuclei Wksht

• ? ?
• O R R
• N O N
• p ? I z m

5
If the syllable nucleus can be occupied by a
consonant . . .

• can the syllable onset be occupied by a vowel?

6
The Glides

• weep u( i p
• yell i( E l
• v( indicates an extra short vowel

7
The Glide w wksht

• ?
• O R
• N Cd
• X X X X
• u( i? p
• Is the glide in the nucleus?

• ?
• O R
• N Cd
• X X X X
• u( i? p
• Or is the glide in the onset?

8
Glide as Nucleus or Onset

• Consider the words that rhyme with weep.
• Do they rhyme with u(i?p, or just with i?p ?
• leap, deep, creep rhyme just with i?p
  indicating that the u( is not in the Rime (and
  therefore the Nucleus) but in the Onset

9
The Glide y

• ?
• O R
• N Cd
• X X X X X
• f i( u? m
• Is the glide in the nucleus?

• ?
• O R
• N Cd
• X X X X X
• f i( u? m
• Or is the glide in the onset?

10
The Glide j in the Onset

• fume rhyme with room, tomb, boom
• indicating that the i( is not in the
  Rime/Nucleus
• forms like bli(u dont exist
• -these would require 3 segment Onsets- a no-no!
• i( patterns with onsets in the form of the
  article the D? bow the Di owl
• the D? ewe

11
A Gap in the Glide Onset Pattern

• u(
• pueblo twin queen
• buenos dwell Gwyn
• foie thwart
• swell
• non-native words

12
The Obligatory Contour Principle

• p is a labial, and u( is a labial
• The Onset disfavors similar melodies as
  constituent siblings
• rules out pu(, bu(, mu(, fu(, vu(
• tl, dl, Tl, Dl
• This is dissimilation.

13
The Sonority Scale (revisited)

• 5 non-high vowels most sonorous
• 4 high vowels i( and u(
• 3 liquids
• 2 nasals
• 1 obstruents least sonorous

14
Sonority Conditions

• ?
• O R
• (x) y N
• Sonority conditions (i) y ? 4
• (ii) x 1 (but music, mute . . .)
• (iii) y-x ? 2

15
Part B

• Variations in the Coda

16
Constraints on Complex Codas Table 1

• Table 1 shows that, at best, Sonority Sequencing
  is relaxed in codas
• What is the minimal sonority distance for codas?
• 5 non-high vowels
• 4 high vowels
• 3 liquids
• 2 nasals
• 1 obstruents
• -- m p 2 1 2-1 1
• -- n t 2 1 2-1 1
• -- p t 1 1 1-1 0

17
Constraints on Complex Codas

• Note that Sonority Reversal in not possible in
  codas.
• 5 non-high vowels
• 4 high vowels
• 3 liquids
• 2 nasals
• 1 obstruents
• --p r 1 3 1-3 -2
• --g n 1 2 1-2 -1

18
Constraints on Syllable Closure A Summary

• In contrast to the other obstruents, only the
  coronals t,d,s,z can occur among single
  morpheme clusters, e.g., lend, bronze
• Coronal obstruents can appear at the end of words
  with no obvious limit depths, ropes, raked,
  texts
• s is exceptional as in rasp, ask, last

19
No Complex Codas (RJ)

• Are these apparent codas really part of the
  syllable?
• a possible account of complex codas hinges on the
  difference in syllable closure word medially as
  opposed to word finally

20
Word medial syllables
21
Syllabification wksht

• Evidence for some syllabification comes from stop
  allophones
• Syllable initial stops are aspirated
• hEl.pH? Im.pHl?Qnt kAm.pHrEs
• Elsewhere they are not
• Ek.strim In.str?kt Qt.l?s

22
Word Medial Restrictions on Codas

• Languages conform to sonority sequencing in
  syllabification kAp.t ?, p?mp.kIn
• kA.pt?, p?m.pkIn
• Languages show an overwhelming tendency to assign
  an intervocalic consonant to the onset. This
  tendency is termed
• Minimal Onset Satisfaction
• Minimal satisfaction of onsets takes priority
  over satisfaction of codas
• m?.pH?t not m?p.?t

23
Arguments for Minimal Onset Satisfaction

• CV takes precedence over VC in breaking words
  down into syllables
• CV is the simplest and most universal structure
  (the core syllable)
• VC is the most complex and least widespread
• non-rhotic accents pronounce the lost r when
  another syllable follows
• flaU.? flau.?.rIN

24
No Complex Codas (2)

• Complex codas only occur word finally since,
  word medially, onsets take priority over codas
  and onsets are greedy
• hel.ping sur.fer fil.thy
• So the word-final occurrence of complex codas
  seems exceptional

25
RJs Proposal for Complexliquid obstruent
Codas

• ?
• O R
• X N C
• h E l p

26
Complex Obstruent Obstruent Codaswksht

• These endings occur only word-finally
• ac.ting ren.ted
• We do not pronounce these codas
• dEpTs ? dEps
• These endings are restricted to t,s,d,z
  and suffixes like T in depth - they are all
  identical to the morphological suffixes that
  occur word-finally

27
Roca Johnsons Proposal

• The English coda is one segment long
• Complex strings at word endings are part of the
  phonological word
• PW PW
• ? ?
• O R O R
• N Cd N Cd
• d E p T t E k s t s

28
s is exceptional

• s occurs in complex strings word medially
• trQns.f?
• s is the only obstruent that precedes another
  obstruent word finally klQsp
• s is the only segment that can occur in 3
  member consonant onsets spreI

29
R Js Proposal for s

• PW
• ?
• O R
• N
• X X
• s p a I

30
Summary

• Limitations on English syllable structure
• Onset 2 segments, with M.D. of 2 between them
• Nucleus 2 segments maximun
• Coda 1 segment maximum
• Additional segments, like morphemes in English,
  appear at the margins
• Like morphemes, these segments are not part of
  the basic syllable, but of a higher unit