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Neighborhood effects, neighborhood problems and policy solutions

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Title: Neighborhood effects, neighborhood problems and policy solutions


1
Neighborhood effects, neighborhood problems and
policy solutions
  • Discussants Comments on Policy Responses to
    Neighborhood effects on Education, Work, Crime,
    and Health
  • 7 April, 2011
  • William A.V. Clark
  • University of California Los Angeles/ CHR St
    Andrews

2
Introduction
  • Places are different
  • Neighborhood conceptions are both positive
    (Beverly Hills, Faubourg St Honore) and negative
    wrong side of the tracks, lower east side, dog
    town, pole town stigmatization
  • Place based interventions are a response to
    difference, usually to negative differences

3
Basis of intervention
  • Neighborhoods are (identifiable)
  • Distinctive social worlds
  • Territorially bounded
  • Organization based on local institutions

4
But of varying form
  • Nominal Neighborhoods named, but no precise
    limits
  • Absolute Neighborhoods explicitly defined
    areas
  • Functional Neighborhoods activity based
  • Community neighborhoods interaction based

5
Three Seminars
  • The question/s across two previous seminars have
    been about whether we have a theory of
    neighborhood effects and how do we understand
    dynamic neighborhoods -what is the role of place
  • Now, can we intervene with ABIs what is the
    policy impetus and how sure are we that we can
    make a difference with ABI

6
(No Transcript)
7
Overview
  • Four papers on substantive issues that have place
    relevance (presuming we have neighborhood theory)
  • Education, worklessness, crime and health
  • All are central issues for social well being
  • Implicit assumption is that we know the effect
    and we can do something about it (take each paper
    in turn).

8
Education
  • Response to poor education outcomes improve
    system, target neighborhoods
  • ABI clearly linked to wider regeneration of areas
    (evidence?)
  • Still only partially successful because meso
    level approach but need macro too
  • Need to go from redistribution to recognition
    (but how, not spelled out)
  • Solution give power back to schools and
    communities but how and do they want it?

9
Worklessness
  • Persistent spatial concentration of worklessness
  • Best route out of poverty is work - so deal with
    worklessness in deprived neighborhoods
  • Causes usual suspects (econ restr., culture of
    worklessness, social capital, stigmatization,
    poor public transport)
  • To intervene need to know the types of
    worklessness (can we distinguish and how?)
  • But again, policies have limited impact (p.16)
    and do not do much (p.19)-no significant
    difference in gap between most and least deprived
  • Interventions at local level poorly positioned to
    deal with wider change in labor markets

10
Crime
  • A lot of interest from Sampsons work on
    collective efficacy and role of trust, by
    extension neighborhood capacity for informal
    control.
  • BUT Really only one study and there are questions
    about the robustness of the results (Veysey and
    Messner)
  • Still not a lot on HOW the neighborhood works,
    this paper tackles that question
  • Specifically they show that people look beyond
    the immediate neighborhood
  • That is the neighborhood is more than the
    neighborhood and it reiterates the issue of
    neighborhood definition.

11
Crime (2)
  • Ok but what should we do, what is the policy
    implication of this research?

12
Health
  • The paper examines two questions is poor health
    concentrated and do socially disadvantaged
    neighborhoods experience lower quality physical
    environments.
  • A discussion of smoking outcomes is used as a
    springboard to discussions of environmental
    justice
  • Sorting/ migration is identified as a major
    factor in the creation of difference who leaves
    who enters becomes determinant.
  • But health behavior effects are elusive no or
    low association of access and outcomes
  • What does this mean for policy?

13
Health (2)
  • The smoking study two processes
  • Selection effects in migration such that those
    prone to smoking are more likely to end up in one
    place than another
  • And, smokers are more likely to move to areas
    where other smokers are more likely to live
  • Question is the location decision made by
    smokers vis a vis non smokers because they are
    smokers or because they happen to be of low socio
    economic status and it is the status that is
    causing locational clustering?

14
A digression on Income and Health
15
Income distribution
16
Observations
  • Neighborhood effect or income effect?
  • And how to deal with the modifiable areal unit
    problem (MAUP)

17
Health by Neighborhood Type
Individual Logistic Blk Group Poisson Tracts OLS Community OLS

Satisfied 0.253 1.565 0.261
Safe 0.541 0.043 0.213 0.277
Latino -0.515
Female -0.458 0.027 0.526 0.575
Average Age -0.016
Married 0.248 0.016 0.229 0.246
BS/BA or greater 1.429
R-squared p lt 0.05 0.499 0.964 0.954
18
Life expectancy in Glasgow
14km apart 28 year difference in life expectancy
Lenzie Life expectancy82
Calton Life expectancy54
19
What is the question-from a policy perspective
  • Are the areas different because of population
    composition
  • Are they different from treatment effects - one
    area has superior facilities and staff
  • Are they different BECAUSE there are area effects
    noxious industry, lead paint etc
  • WHAT IS THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF EACH

20
The underlying question
  • If the bulk of the difference is composition
    effects then
  • THE QUESTION IS HOW THESE AREAS ENDED UP WITH
    SUCH DIFFERENT COMPOSITIONS
  • The answer residential sorting ( see Clark and
    Morrison -Residential sorting, neighbourhood
    effects and social mobility evidence from a
    large scale survey)
  • but what are the processes which sorted people
    into these two neighborhoods?

21
Concluding observations
  • Sorting out the sorting process is central to
    understanding the uneven concentrations of socio
    economic groups
  • Unless we can sort out the sorting process we
    wont get close to sorting out the neighborhood
    effects

22
Review and Overview
  1. They (neighborhood effects) may be mostly an area
    outcome not an area affect
  2. If neighborhood effects exist, they are probably
    small, may be dependent upon your definition of
    neighborhood, and difficult to detect
  3. Analysis of outlier neighborhoods may be more
    useful (e.g, poor neighborhoods with good health
    OR wealthy neighborhoods with poor health)
  4. A sorting focus gives us both theory and testable
    measures.
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