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Title: Food Sovereignty: Conditions of the Peasants and the Movement


1
Food Sovereignty Conditions of the Peasants and
the Movement
  • Erpan Faryadi
  • AGRA Secretary General and APC Vice-chair for
    Internal Affairs
  • Paper presented at Conference on Confronting the
    Food Crisis and Climate Change, PAN AP, Penang,
    Malaysia, 27-29 September 2009

2
Outline
  • 1. Introduction on APC.
  • 2. The Conditions of Peasants and Current Food
    Crisis.
  • 3. The Movement for Food Sovereignty and Agrarian
    Reform.

3
What is APC?
  • The Asian Peasant Coalition (APC) is an Asia-wide
    coalition of at least 20 million farmers,
    landless peasants, fisherfolks, agricultural
    workers, dalit, indigenous peoples, herders,
    pastoralists, women and youth across these
    sectors representing 21 organizations coming from
    8 countries in Asia (India, Nepal, Sri Lanka,
    Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia, Bangladesh,
    Mongolia). 
  • APC struggles for genuine agrarian reform and
    resist imperialist globalization.
  • The APC served as an instrument to unite the
    farmers in Asia and consistently helped in
    strengthening its national peasant organization
    which supports its local struggle especially on
    land and genuine agrarian reform and issues
    surrounding food sovereignty.

4
The Conditions of the Peasants and Current Food
Crisis
  • There is a shortage of rice in several countries
    in Asia reportedly the worst in the last three
    decades is fast becoming the most urgent issue
    at hand.
  • The Philippines needs to import further to
    address tight rice supply, government data shows
    that more Filipino families went hungry because
    they were unable to buy enough food
  • 14.6 of Filipinos were not able to meet their
    basic subsistence or food needs, from 13.5 in
    2003. This means that 12.2 million Filipinos were
    starving in 2006, up from 10.8 million in 2003.
  • Cambodia has declared a two-month ban on rice
    exports
  • India has banned the export of non-basmati rice
    and hiked rice prices to 1,000 per ton
  • In Hong Kong, the price of the popular aromatic
    rice from Thailand has increased by 30 and
    people fear the price will continue to rise
  • In Indonesia, high prices of food increases food
    insecurity of the people

5
  • Rice farms in Vietnam have been hit by pest
    attacks seriously affecting output, which is part
    of the reason why it cannot meet rice orders from
    the Philippines. Vietnamese farmers are, however,
    stockpiling whatever they can in anticipation of
    rising demands.
  • While so-called experts have blamed rising fuel
    and fertilizer prices, climate change, and lack
    of mechanization or irrigation as the causes of
    the present crises, an Asian farmers has
    different views.
  • this would really happen because of rampant
    conversion of rice lands to cash crops,
    governments development projects, and
    plantations the promotion of modern varieties
    and monoculture farming and the phasing out of
    small rice farmers

6
  • Many countries in Asia have lost domestic food
    self-sufficiency by cutting down on rice farming
    and relying too much on importation.
  • The Philippines which used to be a net exporter
    in the 1980s has become the highest net importer
    of rice in the world (since its WTO membership in
    1994), a cruelly ironic situation in todays
    crises.
  • Countries like Malaysia and Indonesia have
    devoted 4 million hectares and 5.3 million
    hectares respectively to growing oil palm, and
    this is expected to quadruple in coming years.
  • The main cause of this crisis is the backward and
    feudal state of agriculture in the Asian
    countries and is worsened by neo-liberal policies
    of the government and trade liberalization that
    has drastically cut rice lands through land-use
    conversions and crop conversions.
  • APC strongly believes that implementation of
    genuine agrarian reform is the ultimate solution
    on the food crisis. Government should also
    control food prices, stop importation, give full
    support to rice productivity program and withdraw
    its membership to WTO.

7
  • In 2008, Indonesia had overtaken Malaysia with
    46 production and 47 share in the world market.
  • Over the next 20 years, Indonesia plans to
    increase palm oil production 43-fold, with the
    area under cultivation expanding from 6.4 million
    hectares in 2006 to 26 million hectares in 2025.
  • Some 12 million more hectares have already
    deforested, originally for palm oil plantations,
    but have not been planted. Experts believed that
    some of companies are primarily interested not in
    agrofuels but in quick profit from timber sales.
  • Rising palm oil prices are accelerating expansion
    in mainland Malaysia, West Papua and Sulawesi in
    Indonesia.
  • Cargill, for example, is increasing it investment
    in palm oil plantation and mills in Papua New
    Guinea and the PNG government is drawing up
    strategy for turning the country into a major
    agrofuel producer. However, Indonesias expansion
    plans are by far the most ambitious in South-East
    Asia.

8
  • For the 32 years of New Order rule (1966-1998),
    the forestry sector played an important role in
    the Indonesian economy.
  • It was developed solely to reap its economic
    values, particularly through exports and for the
    repayment of international debts.
  • The FAO (Food and Agricultural Organization of
    UN) have stated that the rate of deforestation in
    Indonesia for the period 2000-2005 is the fastest
    in the world. Each year, around 1.871 million
    hectares of forests are lost, or the equivalent
    of 300 football fields. Earlier data from FAO
    notes that between 1976 and 1980, at least
    550,000 hectares of Indonesian forest vanished
    annually.
  • This amount has steadly increased along with the
    desire for exploiting forest resources by a
    Forest Consession Rights (HPH or Hak Pengusahaan
    Hutan), especially in Kalimantan, Sumatra and
    West Papua.

9
  • Sumatra and Kalimantan are the regions which have
    experienced the greatest forest degradation, as
    being the largest timber producers and fast
    development of plantation sector over the last 20
    years.
  • There is speculation that HPH holders burnt
    forests for their own interests in clearing new
    lands or for their conversion to large-scale
    plantation use, such as palm oil.
  • In April 1997, the Indonesian environment
    suffered a tragedy with forest fires in
    Kalimantan and Sumatra. An estimated 55 million
    hectares of forests were lost, at a price of IDR
    9 trillion (USD 1 billion).
  • Other than forest fires which occured in HPH
    concessions, the growth of palm oil plantations
    was a new factor in the fires of 1997-1998.
  • In the 1990s, palm oil overtook other crops as
    the main plantation products in Indonesia. In
    January 1995 alone, the East Kalimantan Forestry
    Department prepared 1.4 million hectares of land
    for plantation, with 990,000 hectares of this
    planned for palm oil.

10
Comparison of Deforestation rate in different
regions in Indonesia, 1982-1990
11
The Movement for Food Sovereignty and Agrarian
Reform
  • During the New Order regime, imperialism has
    promoted sectoral land market oriented policies
    and interrupted the supreme will of Indonesian
    peasantry, expressed partly in the Basic Agrarian
    Law 1960.
  • For almost three decades, the Indonesian
    peasantry was forced to follow the green
    revolution programmes which were promoted as the
    antitheses of the land reform programmes.
  • The programme is claimed to have succeeded in
    increasing the food productivity in the mid-
    1980s. As an acknowledgement of this success, FAO
    (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United
    Nations) gave Suharto FAO Award in 1984.

12
  • Nevertheless, the success of green revolution
    programmes, did not solve contradictions in the
    countryside. Poverty among the peasantry and the
    people in countryside is increasing every year.
    Having no choice, peasants are forced to sell
    their agricultural products through the bogus
    production cooperatives (e.g. KUDKoperasi Unit
    Desa) in a market dominated by big business.
  • The peasants also had to use the chemical
    fertilisers and other means of production that
    destroyed the environment and made the land
    dependent on chemicals.
  • The overproduction of food (the New Order regime
    called it Swasembada Pangan Food
    Self-sufficiency) which was proclaimed as the
    main purpose of the green revolution caused the
    price of agricultural commodities to fall.
  • Liberalization of the domestic market for
    agricultural commodities brought disaster to the
    peasants. Use of new technologies in the green
    revolution did not help to improve the peasants
    life. Instead, the unemployment rate in the
    countryside is growing high.

13
  • Other impacts of agrarian crises that already
    happened in Indonesia are hunger and food
    shortage in the countryside. Just in the middle
    of March, 2005, a national paper, Kompas,
    reported that almost 10 districts in the East
    Nusa Tenggara Province (NTT) had been hit by food
    shortage and hunger. The worst sufferers were 32
    villages of District Lembata.
  • The same cases but caused by different factors
    also happened in Atjeh and Nias eventually just
    after tsunami attacks. A lot of things happened
    as the effect of agrarian crises in the
    Indonesian countryside today.

14
  • However, it is important to look directly to the
    causes of the crises. There are at least three
    causes which led to the agrarian crises in
    Indonesia today.
  • First, the domination of big landowners in
    concentrating ownership on land and other
    agrarian resources, and the lack of access of the
    poor peasants to get a piece of land to till for
    themselves.
  • The dominant ownership of the land consisted of
    the feudal-type and the big plantations-type,
    often land rented out by the government to
    private plantations, either domestic or foreign.
    The first type usually came from the noble
    families of old feudal states who inherit their
    land from their ancestors. The second is the
    institutions that applied the semi-feudal
    relations, especially in relation with land and
    other agrarian resources.
  • The big plantations have become the most
    dangerous and reactionary type of landowners
    because they are directly connected with
    imperialism and ever ready to defend its
    interests. They are willing to do anything to
    serve and secure the interests of imperialism,
    including violently repressing the people.
    Examples of big plantations are Perum Perhutani
    and Plantation State Corporation (PTPN).

15
  • Second, the backwardness of productive forces
    that was caused by the remnants of feudalism and
    domination of imperialist industries all over
    Indonesia. Modern technology has been introduced
    not to benefit the Indonesian peasantry but to
    benefit the big domestic businessmen, the big
    landowners, and imperialism. The biggest effect
    of the forced use of modern technology on the
    agrarian society in Indonesia is the growth of
    unemployment in the countryside. Especially women
    peasants are easily evicted from the land and
    become a large pool of cheap labor for the big
    global capitalists. This is the reason for the
    feminization of Indonesian industry.
  • Third, state violence and anti-democratic,
    anti-people, and anti-peasants policies imposed
    by the puppet regimes of US imperialism. Until
    today, the regimes always use the security
    approach to resolve any land dispute and agrarian
    conflict that happened in Indonesia.
  • Peasant leaders are arrested or jailed, some even
    murdered. Those cases happened in Bulukumba
    (South of Celebes/Sulawesi), Garut, Subang,
    Pangalengan, Bogor, Sumedang, and Ciamis (West
    Java), Banyumas and Wonosobo (Central Java),
    Manggarai (East Nusa Tenggara), Muko-Muko
    (Bengkulu), Labuhan Batu and Porsea (North of
    Sumatera), Sesepa-Luwu and Dongi-Dongi (Central
    of Celebes), Lombok (West Nusa Tenggara),
    Halmahera (Northern of Mollucas), and Banyuwangi
    (East Java).

16
  • The state uses such violence to force the people
    accept people many state or corporate
    infrastructure projects funded by multi-finance
    institutions, such as ADB (Asian Development
    Bank) or World Bank, the TNCs or MNCs, and serve
    the imperialist interests in Indonesia. These
    infrastructure projects always violate the
    peoples and peasants rights. The peoples rights
    have been violated by infrastructure projects,
    such as Kedung Ombo dams project, in the Central
    Java province, the Dam Project of Jatigede in
    Sumedang, West Java, or Nipah dams project,
    which became the second biggest infrastructure
    project after the expansion of big-plantation
    areas.
  • That is why the cancellation of all
    infrastructure projects and debt problems also
    included in the list of demands of the current
    peasants movement such as AGRA (Alliance of
    Agrarian Reform Movement) and people democratic
    movement in Indonesia. However, the main issues
    of peasant movement are advancing the food
    sovereignty and agrarian reform.

17
Conclusion
  • The current Indonesian peasant movement demands
    an end to the violent approach of the state as
    well as the release of the arrested peasant
    leaders jailed on the basis of anti-peasant laws.
  • While demanding the release of all arrested
    peasant leaders, the democratic Indonesian
    peasant movement also rejects the plan of the
    current government to replace the Basic Agrarian
    Law 1960 by another law. The previous draft of
    law revision of BAL 1960 will serve only to
    advance the interests of imperialism and big
    landowners. It totally changes the spirit and
    essence of BAL 1960 which is to carry out the
    agrarian reform.
  • Lastly, the agrarian crisis is caused by US
    imperialism. However, in an agrarian country like
    Indonesia, the agrarian crisis has the biggest
    effect among others. It has caused the
    impoverishment and many other forms of
    backwardness of the peasants who comprise the
    majority in Indonesia. This situation has not
    only supported semi-feudal oppression in the vast
    countryside but also impeded the democratic
    movement in Indonesia.
  • Therefore, the struggles for food sovereignty and
    agrarian reform in essence is the struggles for
    economic rights of the people and a step forward
    in fighting against semi-feudal oppresssion in
    Indonesia and other semi-feudal and semi-colonial
    countries in Asia.
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