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Parliamentary Pork

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... parties are weak, we expect universalism in pork distribution; where strong, strategic. ... bring stronger parties: universalism within the governing party, ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

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Title: Parliamentary Pork


1
Parliamentary Pork
  • Members of Parliament as Optimising Agents
  • Eric Crampton
  • University of Canterbury
  • eric.crampton_at_canterbury.ac.nz
  • http//www.econ.canterbury.ac.nz/eric

2
Public Choice
  • Incentives matter, even in non-market
    decision-making.
  • When government is comprised of optimising
    agents, policy recommendations need consider
    incentive compatibility
  • More generally, we can use economic tools to
    analyse political decisions

3
Pork-barrel incentives
  • When costs are spread across the country, each
    constituency will lobby for projects where the
    benefits to the constituency outweigh the
    districts share of the costs.

4
Pork-barrel incentives
  • When costs are spread across the country, each
    constituency will lobby for projects where the
    benefits to the constituency outweigh the
    districts share of the costs.
  • Inefficiency is proportionate to the number of
    constituencies.

5
Electoral systems
  • In First-Past-the-Post systems, constituencies
    are arrayed geographically we expect
    geographically-distributed pork.
  • Where parties are weak, we expect universalism in
    pork distribution where strong, strategic.

6
Party strength
  • American case studies tend to find universalist
    norms in distribution the Presidential system
    promotes weaker parties.
  • Parliamentary systems bring stronger parties
    universalism within the governing party, or
    strategic allocation by Cabinet?

7
Canadian pork
  • Smart and Milligan distribution of regional
    development grants in Atlantic Canada and Quebec
    target strategic districts.

8
HRDC Job Creation Grants
  • The Transitional Jobs Fund
  • Initiated in 1996 as a three-year, 300 million
    program targeting job creation in high
    unemployment regions (gt12).
  • The Canada Jobs Fund
  • Continued the TJF into 1999 and 2000 with annual
    funding of 110 million and with a lower
    unemployment restriction (gt10), reflecting
    overall declines in the unemployment rate.

9
The biggest scandal in Canadian history
  • The Prime Ministers office pressured HRDC to
    award grants to ineligible firms funds also went
    to firms in which the PM had a financial
    interest.
  • In Quebec, grant applications were approved by
    Liberal aides rather than HRDC officials.
  • Several companies (gt50) granted funds quickly
    went bankrupt, the funds disappearing

10
The Auditor Generals Report
  • lack of adherence to program terms and
    conditions, inadequate project selection
    processes, breaches of authority, and inadequate
    monitoring
  • project approvals were not based on the
    procedures established for decision making
  • Regional HRDC offices had broad discretion in
    determining eligibility and applied inconsistent
    interpretations of guidelines unreliable
    measures of unemployment often were used.

11
HRDC Grants results
  • Overall, spending was targeted to the benefit of
    the governing Liberals.
  • Benefits to some Liberals were offset by lower
    allocations to others.

12
HRDC Grants Results
  • In Western Canada, funding skewed toward
    Liberal-held ridings, especially those held by
    Cabinet Ministers and those in narrowly-won
    seats.
  • Opposition ridings won by narrow margins received
    little funding shadow cabinet ministers received
    less than backbenchers.

13
HRDC
  • Eastern Canada Cabinet Ministers do well
    Liberal backbenchers and Opposition shadow
    cabinets do not.
  • Quebec separatist-held districts do well.
  • Overall allocations consistent with strategic
    targeting of ridings by the Liberals.

14
Pork and incentives
  • Canadian evidence suggests pork is allocated
    strategically and geographically in strong party,
    FPTP, Parliamentary systems
  • Others find spending is targeted demographically
    in PR systems.
  • Does the electoral system cause this, or does
    something else cause both?

15
Distributive Politics -- MMP
  • Stratmann and Baur (2002)
  • MMP allows clean tests of electoral effects.
  • Committee selection as observable variable.

16
Distributive Politics MMP in NZ
  • New Zealand adopted MMP in 1996, modelling its
    system on Germanys.
  • We should similarly expect that MPs elected via
    the differing systems should face incentives
    similar to those faced by members of the
    Bundestag

17
Classification
  • List
  • Maori, Health, Social Services, Education,
    Primary Resources
  • District
  • Local Government Environment
  • Rural districts Primary Resources, Health,
    Education
  • Maori (Maori), Social Services (non-rural)

18
Classification
  • Neutral
  • Business, Commerce, Finance and Expenditure,
    Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, Government
    Administration, Justice and Electoral, Officers
    of Parliament, Privileges, Regulations Review,
    Standing Orders, Transport and Industrial
    Relations

19
District and List MPs
  • We examine committee membership subsequent to the
    1996 2005 elections
  • 80 MP-observations on district committees
  • 121 MP-observations on list committees
  • 133 MP-observations on neutral committees
  • 40 of MPs sit on both list and district
    committees.

20
Committee choice
21
Committee choice
  • District MPs sitting on district committees but
    not list committees won the previous election by
    an average margin of victory of 15
  • District MPs sitting on both 21.

22
Incentives under MMP
  • Our results are in line with those found by
    Stratmann and Baur electoral incentives matter
    in MPs committee choices.
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