Constitutional Institutions, Lobbying Contributions and Policy Outcome

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Constitutional Institutions, Lobbying Contributions and Policy Outcome

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Title: Constitutional Institutions, Lobbying Contributions and Policy Outcome


1
Constitutional Institutions, Lobbying
Contributions and Policy Outcome
  • Alon Cohen
  • The School of Economics
  • Tel-Aviv University
  • Advisor Assaf Razin

March, 2005
2
Motivation
  • What is lobbying?
  • Lobbying equilibrium deficiencies
  • Policy and institutions are biased towards strong
    interests groups (Glaeser, Scheinkman and
    Shleifer 2002).
  • Resources dissipation estimated by 10 Billions
    annually in the U.S. (Mueller 2003).
  • Institutions and tools like procedural
    constitutional provisions, CBI, balanced budget
    rule, political competition and others, mitigate
    these outcomes.

3
Main Argument (1)
  • How does (substantial) constitutional institution
    influence the lobbying equilibrium?
  • General-interests-regarding constitutional
    standard (Cooter 2001), which is credibly
    enforced by an independent judiciary (Sutter
    2002), can alleviate both problems.
  • Special-interests-regarding constitutional
    standard, which is credibly enforced by an
    independent judiciary, can escalate both problems.

4
Main Argument (2)
  • Which constitutional institution is generated in
    an endogenous system (Macey 1986)?
  • Constitutions that cannot be lobbied induce the
    politician to adopt a general-interests standard
    Constitutions that can be lobbied induce the
    politician to adopt a special-interests standard.
  • Economic uncertainty induces the politician to
    forfeit policymaking power to the judiciary. This
    enables the courts to credibly enforce the
    constitution (corrective device).

5
Literature Review Lobbying
  • Olson 1965, Stigler 1971, Peltzman 1976
    Regulation for sale. Transfers benefit
    small-concentrated groups and encumbered by
    large-diffused groups.
  • Becker 1983Pressure model. Lobbying
    competition increase efficacy, due to taxations
    deadweight costs.
  • Grossman and Helpman 1994, 1998 Campaign
    contributions. Encompassing the actions of both
    the politician and the lobbies.

6
Literature Review Constitutionalism
  • Principalagent Anderson and Hill 1986,
    Persson, Roland and Tabellini 1997
  • McCubbin and Schwartz 1984.
  • Uncertainty Buchanan and Tullock 1962
  • Ramzier 1994, Hanssen 2002.
  • Commitment North and Weingast 1989
  • Landes and Posner 1975.

7
The Model
  • Framework 2OLG model, one working period,
    endogenous labor with two distinct exogenous
    efficiency levels, ?i, constant population
    growth rate, n.
  • Individuals
  • Lobbies choose contribution schedules,
    , non cooperatively and simultaneously, to
    maximize their net (indirect) utility. They
    retain full bargaining power.

8
  • Firms
  • Constitution/Courts
  • where ? c is the constitutional standard and P
    (.) is the judicial enforcement technology,
    indicating the relative judicial power. Initially
    C is exogenous.
  • Government/Politician
  • The government collects taxes and redistributes
    it via public good (Drazen 2000)

9
  • where a is the benevolence measure, W(.) is
    concave and bounded and ? i,j is the lobbies
    organization level (Facchini, Razin and Willmann
    2004).

10
Order of Events
  • The lobbying game.
  • Policy choice.
  • The economy is operated Contributions are
    effected.
  • Constitutional judicial review.

11
Constitutional-Lobbying Equilibrium
  • Equilibrium is a policy choice, contribution
    schedules and private choices, such that for
    either group (i,j) (following Grossman and
    Helpman 1994)
  • Conditions (I) and (II) refer to the policy
    choice. Not only is the policy choice politically
    optimal, but it must be Pareto efficient.
    Otherwise, the lobby would have reconstructed its
    contribution schedule accordingly.

12
  • Conditions (III), (IV) and (V) refer to the
    contribution schedules. The contribution level
    must also be Pareto efficient, for the same
    reason. Additionally, it must meet the
    feasibility constraint. Finally, the politician
    is indifferent either to accept or reject a
    contribution, due to the full bargaining power of
    the lobby.

13
  • Condition (VI) refers to the individual choices.
    Labor supply and consumption stream are optimal
    given the fiscal stance.
  • Note that the optimal choices are not subject to
    the constitution. This reflects an assumption of
    immediate adjustment of the economy to the fiscal
    stance.

14
Policy Choice in Equilibrium
  • Since the policy is Pareto efficient, then the
    following locally truthful property holds
  • That is, in equilibrium, the lobby equalizes
    marginal benefits and costs from policy shift.
  • Given (7), the policy choice is embodied within
  • As all sectors are organized to some degree, the
    locally truthfulness nullifies general
    interests considerations.

15
  • Without constitution, P 0, equation (8) is
    reduced to
  • Clearly, as a lobby is better organized (higher ?
    i,j ), the policy is tilted to its benefit.

g(b(?))
16
  • In order to characterize ?, we assume
  • where P (.) is convex and weakly increases as
    the enacted policy deviates from the
    constitutional standard, ? c.
  • One can easily note that ? is closer to ? c,
    than ?l is

17
Lobbying Contributions in Equilibrium
  • Possible Lobbying schedules are infinite.
    Globally truthful schedules (Grossman and
    Helpman 1994)
  • A possible solution to the constitutional-lobbying
    game
  • Namely, the lobbies (weakly) reduce their level
    of contributions, proportionally to the judicial
    power. The judiciary serves as a non-lobbied
    second policymaker.

18
Endogenous Constitution
  • A random variable , which captures
    the state of the economy, is introduced. We
    assume that labor productivity, ?i(? ), is
    positively correlated with ?.
  • The reason is that the politician delegates part
    of her policymaking power, namely, set P to be
    positive, if and only if her policy choice could
    be sub optimal.
  • We divide the discussion into two possible
    situations
  • The constitution can be lobbied.
  • The constitution cannot be lobbied.

19
The Constitution Can be Lobbied
  • The Contribution schedule is now L(?, ? c,P ).
  • Each (lobbied) policy component choice, (?, ? c,P
    ), must be Pareto efficient.
  • Therefore, the politician adheres only to the
    contributions consideration. Hence ? c is
    special interests regarding.
  • Since the contribution schedules are optimally
    designed, then L(?, ? c,0 )L(? ).
  • Naturally, then, P gt0 ? L(?, ? c,P )gt L(?, ? c,0
    ).

20
The Constitution Cannot be Lobbied
  • The contribution schedules are L(c)(? ?C), where
    C captures the anticipated constitution.
  • In equilibrium we must have CC.
  • Since the constitution cannot be lobbied
  • The lobbies are indifferent as to the nature of ?
    c. Thus ? c is general interests regarding.
  • The contribution is proportionally reduced for
    any level of P. Thus P trades off between
    special and general interest considerations.
    Comparative static indicates that P is indeed
    U-shaped over ? .

21
  • Recap
  • No-constitution lobbying equilibrium benefits
    highly organized groups and exhibits resources
    waste.
  • Constitutions can either improve or worsen these
    problems.
  • The constitutional impact over lobbying
    contribution depends upon whether the
    constitution is rigid enough, such that it cannot
    be lobbied, or not.
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