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Globalization, Inequality Within Countries, and Domestic Conflict

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Title: Globalization, Inequality Within Countries, and Domestic Conflict


1
Globalization, Inequality Within Countries, and
Domestic Conflict
2
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Percentage Share of Income   Highest
10 Highest 20 Lowest 20 Lowest
10 Argentina 38.9 56.4
3.1 1.0 (2001)
Brazil 46.7 64.4
2.0
0.5 (1998) Chile 47.0
62.2 3.3
1.2 (2000) Mexico 43.1
59.1 3.1
1.0 (2000) Source the World Bank
4
  • q  Measurement of Inequality Within Countries
  • n The comparability problems in the Deininger
    Squires data
  • Sparse coverage, problematic measurements,
    diverse data types, Biased missingness.
  • n Example Sri Lanka (1987-1990) decreases by
    17 Gini points
  • in 3 years.
  • Venezuela (1989-1990)
    increased almost by 10
  • points in a year.
  • n Galbraith and Kums (2003) data set.

5
Inequality Among World Citizens 1820-1992
(Bourguignon Morrisson)
  • By overlooking inequality within countries, the
    empirical growth literature gives a biased view
    of the evolution of world inequality over time,
    clearly underestimating it.
  • We may be facing the new pattern of global income
    inequality changing from inequality between
    countries to inequality within countries in
    recent decades (Firebaugh 2003).

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Sources of Changes in the World inequality
  • Disequalizing forces
  • Better economic performance of European
    countries the relatively poor growth
    performances of China and India until late the
    20th c the slow growth growth of Africa in the
    second half of the 20th c.
  • Equalizing forces
  • The equalizing of incomes within Western European
    countries, Russia, and Eastern Europe in the
    interwar period and after WWII Chinas
    outstanding growth performance in the last
    decade.
  • ? Economic growth, population growth.

8
Conclusions
  • World income inequality worsened dramatically
    over the past two centuries.
  • The increase in inequality across countries is
    the leading factor in the evolution of the world
    inequality.
  • The increasing concentration of world poverty in
    some regions (Africa) of the world is worrying.
  • Shannons critique on the effect of pertinent
    factors (technology) on inequality since 1950.
  • Walts critique on the method of grouping.

9
Globalization and Inequality
  • Does the widening of wage inequality a result
    from globalization?
  • International Trade
  • Immigration

10
Source ECLAC
11
Williamson ( Wood)
  • The decline in the relative wages of less-skilled
    northern workers is caused by the elimination of
    trade barriers and the increasing abundance of
    southern workers with a basic education.
  • The sources of differences between East Asia and
    Latin America in terms of the growth-inequality
    linkage?
  • Brendas critique.

12
  • q  Trade Effect on Inequality Within Countries
  • n   Trade raises inequality within countries.
  • (e.g. Leamer 1996, Wood 1994, Kremer Maksin
    2003)
  • n    Trade reduces inequality within countries.
  • (e.g. Dollar Kraay 2001 Sala-I-Martin)
  • n    No ubiquitous trend or statistically
    insignificant.
  • (Lindert and Williamson 2001 Li, Squire, and
    Zou 1998).
  •  

13
  • Why Is Trade Effect on Inequality Heterogeneous
    (or Insignificant)?
  • Economic Explanations
  • A long-term positive effect (Agenor 2003).
  • Production innovation and technology transfer.
  • (Autor et al. 1998 Beaulieu et al. 2004 Zhu
    2004)
  • It depends on the level of GDP per capita.
  • (Barro 2000 Kapstein and Milanovic 2002)
  • Political Explanations
  • It depends on domestic political institutions or
    regime types. (Gradstein et al. 2001 Knack and
    Keefer 1997 Lipset 1959).

14
  • Research questions
  • Does economic inequality affect on the
    occurrence of intrastate conflict? If so, then
    under what conditions (the relative deprivation
    perspective and the resource mobilization
    perspective)?
  • Is a low level of economic development rather
    than high inequality the cause of political
    violence? (MacCulloch vs. Muller)

15
  • q  Inequality and Political Violence
  • The perception of relative deprivation stirs
    social discontent. (Gurr 1970)
  • Economic inequality induces social discontent and
    political violence. (Muller Seligson 1987
    Wang, Dixon, Muller, Seligson 1993).
  • Inequality is often concomitant with social
    cleavages between classes, religions, or regions,
    heightening the probability of political violence
    (Lichbach 1989).

16
Why Intrastate Conflict?
  • In the 187 wars in the world between 1945 and
    1995, 129 of them (69) have been wars within
    state borders. Between 1990 and 2000, there were
    more than 100 intrastate but only seven
    interstate conflicts around the world.
  • Intrastate conflicts have presented a challenge
    to our understanding of war and to the conflict
    management mechanisms. (e.g. Rwanda 1994)
  • The forces of globalization are evident in the
    increasing concern over transnational security
    issues, including proliferation, refugees,
    environmental degradation, and non-state actors
    such as terrorism.

17
The Impact of Income on the Taste for Revolt
MacCulloch
  • Question?
  • Whether support for revolutionary change amongst
    individuals depends on the level of national
    income
  • It implies that economic growth rather than
    inequality does matter.
  • Data The World Values Survey and Euro-Barometer
    surveys.

18
Conclusions
  • As the level of national income (GDP per capita)
    increases, the probability of supporting revolt
    decreases.
  • Lessons? To decrease the taste for revolution
  • Improve the economy.
  • Make people get married earlier.
  • Encourage people to have female babies.

19
Comments?
  • Adams and Smitas critique on the dependent
    variable.
  • Brendas critique on the credibility of the data.
  • Rolfs critique on the policy implication of the
    results (trade-off between growth and
    inequality?)
  • Problems in interpretation.
  • Bad interpretation of the coefficients.
  • Cannot explain the inequality effect on violence.

20
Income Inequality, Regime Repressiveness, and
Political Violence Muller
  • Question
  • Whether the political opportunities available to
    dissident groups affect the prospect of political
    violence.
  • Whether inequality (willingness) has a positive
    impact on violence.
  • Hypothesis
  • The extent of regime repressiveness should be
    related to violence in a curvilinear fashion.
  • The incidence of political violence is relatively
    high under conditions of intermediate regime
    repressiveness and relatively low when the regime
    is either very repressive or very open.

21
  • How to measure regime repressiveness?
  • Freedom House Political Rights Index / Civil
    Rights Index.
  • Polity IV data sets. http//www.cidcm.umd.edu/insc
    r/polity/
  • How did he measure the level of income
    inequality?
  • Upper-quintile income share.
  • Adams critique.
  • Smitas critique on additional control variables.

22
  • How to measure the level of political violence?
  • The death rate (not the number of deaths) from
    political conflict.
  • Brendas critique on this measure.
  • Rolfs critique on the type of political
    violence.
  • Conclusions
  • Countries following a strategy of development
    which ignores the inequality problem may be prone
    to experience comparatively high levels of mass
    political violence.
  • Countries with an intermediate level of regime
    repressiveness are more likely to face political
    violence. (Political leaders should either
    embrace or crush their opposition.)

23
  • Ians critique on the data plots.
  • Walts comment on the effect of the Cold War and
    the interaction between inequality and racial
    (cultural) divisions.
  • How can we know that countries with an
    intermediate level of regime repressiveness are
    more likely to face political violence from the
    result?
  • Another interpretation issue.

24
Does Economic Inequality Breed Political
Conflict? Lichbach
  • Three approaches to EI-PC studies.
  • The Statistical Modelers data-involved test,
    quantitative
  • The Formal Modelers deductive, mathematical
  • The Theory Builders assumptions, qualitative
  • Deprived Actor SRP (Scientific Research Program)
    willingness, psychological approach
  • Rational Actor SRP opportunities, costs and
    benefits approach.

25
Conclusions
  • The statistical modelers
  • No clear answer about the EI-PC nexus exists.
  • The necessary and sufficient conditions under
    which inequality produces positive, negative, or
    no effects on conflict should be investigated.
  • The formal modelers
  • By employing some set of assumptions to arrive
    deductively at EI-PC propositions, we must
    explain the EI-PC nexus in a formal model.
  • The theory builders
  • Some general theory that uses social, political,
    and economic variables is needed.

26
  • A unified and coherent set of EI-PC theorems (the
    assumptions of the theory builders the
    deductive methodology of the formal modelers
    the data test from the statistical modelers) are
    necessary.
  • Suggestions
  • EI-PC propositions should be formally deduced
    from a simple and stylized version of a major
    scientific research program.
  • Different dimensions of inequality (political or
    status inequality,) should be examined.
  • The relevant conditions should be examined.

27
  • Suggestions (cont)
  • Not only the number of political conflict but
    also the extent (number of participants and
    duration), geographic scope, intensity (number of
    deaths, injuries), etc. should be examined.
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