Title: The Duty to Obey the Law and Social Trust
1The Duty to Obey the Law and Social Trust
- The Experience of Post-socialist Bulgaria
- Ruzha Smilova PhD
2The starting point Decline in Trust in Authority
and Social Trust
- A general trend of decline in levels of trust
- not confined to post-socialist countries, need
not be related only to transition, authoritarian
legacy, etc. - In post-communist countries - insufficient level
of horizontal generalized out-group trust (as
opposed to particularized in-group trust) and low
vertical trust in authority (declining levels of
law-abiding behavior/shaken belief in a duty to
obey the law). - There is a link between social trust and trust in
authority/belief in a duty to obey both
intuitively plausible and supported by their
strong correlation in diverse value surveys
(Newton 1999). - The picture (uniformity in the levels of both
types of trust) is static - 1. does not give info on the precise character of
the link between the two, - 2. does not allow to specify the causal
mechanisms of these phenomena. - What is the precise relation between the two? A
research into the dynamics of the processes that
bring about these equilibria is needed. - In my empirical research I explore the relation
of social trust to the duty to obey the law
3The Tasks of the Research minimalist
- The minimalist task a thick description of the
underlying these macro phenomena mechanisms. - 1. Focus at the micro/the individual level. An
important criticism of some work on social
capital (Putnams society-centered model) it
does not provide an explanation of how the
individual practical reasoning of the citizens
relates to the macro-social phenomena. The
individual beliefs and expectations, determining
citizens practical decisions and actions, are
the building blocks of these phenomena, so an
adequate explanation should include them. - 2. A successful individual-level description
would provide some insight into the causal
mechanisms, determining a societys equilibrium.
Here the research questions are - at what levels of social trust a society
freezes (trust is sticky) - why and how.
- The task is to go beyond description and attempt
to give an explanation for the phenomena.
4The Tasks of the Research maximalist
- The maximalist task answering the practically
interesting questions. They are - Whether, if at all, a society can move from a
state of sub-optimal equilibrium (with low levels
of both horizontal and vertical trust) to
favorable ones (with higher levels of both
types). - I will look for an answer at the micro-level
in the beliefs, mutual perceptions and
expectations of the citizens toward the state
institutions. These beliefs determine the
mechanics of reaching a Schelling-type tipping
point, at which enough generalized trust is
accumulated to become self-sustaining. - 2. And how can this move be done? Here could be
the policy implications of my research the
study will hopefully contribute to a
contextually-sensitive answer to the question how
to do the leap upwards towards an improved social
equilibrium in post-socialist Bulgaria.
5Theoretical Background the social capital
literature
- The institution-centered account of social
capital quality of government matters for social
trust. Crucial for beneficial generalized social
trust are well-performing and fair state
institutions (Levi 1998, Rothstein 1998,) These
(and possibly other) qualities of state
institutions make them trustworthy enough to
provide guarantees for social trust. -
- Theoretical difficulties with a simple-minded
institutionalist solution to trust problems - Institutions are made of individuals, whom we
may/may not trust to be our agents -the problem
of trust reappears at the level of institutions
(Offe 2004, Hardin 1998) so they cannot be used
to solve it. - in the post-socialist countries the
institution-mediated building of social trust
would anyway fail for precisely the same reasons-
lack of trust in the new institutions, distrust
toward the older elites, etc. (Elster, Offe,
Preuss 1998). - My main research hypothesis institutions matter
for building social trust, but their influence is
indirect. Some desirable qualities of the
institutions allow/do not allow citizens to put
their trust in them, and only then do these
institutions generate and support (or undermine)
social trust.
6Theoretical Background Normative political theory
- Theoretical challenges from normative political
theory - 1) legitimate authority (Wolff) is an
incoherent concept the rationality paradox of
authority A is either wrong or redundant,
hence A cannot in principle be legitimate - 2) There is yet no successful theory for a
general duty to obey the law (Simmons) - 3) the most promising candidate - H.L.A. Harts
duty of fair play (Hart 1955, Klosko 1992,
Simmons 1987). I will focus on it. My hypothesis
valid fair play duty to obey depends on social
trust. -
- One of the tasks of my research is to provide
material for this debate. Hopefully it will help
answer the question which particular qualities of
state institutions their fairness in
law-application and law-enforcement (Tylor 2002,
Uslaner 2005), their production of favorable
outcomes for particular (groups of) citizens,
their generally efficient performance/yet some
other features, are responsible for boosting
citizens trust in institutions, thereby
strengthening social trust.
7Theoretical motivations why duty to obey
- 1. The resilience of the practice a general
belief in the existence of this duty is observed
in many surveys, case studies, etc., as testified
by social psychologists, sociologists and
political scientists - 2. A dilemma for the political theorist
theoretical coherence (there are no adequate
answers to the theoretical challenges to
legitimate authority/general duty to obey, and it
is better not to pretend there are) or
descriptive adequacy (there is general belief on
the part of citizens in the existence of both)? - 3. John Rawls method of reflective equilibrium
the right political principles for a society
should fit the considered convictions of its
members. In political theory there is no
theoretical validity without descriptive
adequacy. - If there is a general belief in the population,
that they have a duty to obey, an adequate theory
for this duty, meeting the theoretical challenges
above, should be provided.
8 The adequate theory a fair-play
duty to obey the law
- 1. Why is it adequate? It avoids some of the
problems of - a) The voluntarist accounts - no acceptance of
the benefits, no consent or other volitional
element required, thus the account is
descriptively adequate - b) the pure natural duty accounts one has to
obey the law of ones own determinate community
only, therefore the account meets the
determinacy objection (why obey the law of
ones own community rather the more just one
somewhere else?) - 2. What is fair play here? one has to obey
the law of a community, whose benefits one has
enjoyed, otherwise one takes unfair advantage of
the members who obey - 3. The main problem - the compliance condition
one is under duty of fair play to obey only if
enough others comply with the law
9Compliance Condition A Collective Action Problem
- Since both my own duty and everybody elses is
conditional on the compliance of enough others,
and this is general knowledge, no one is willing
to start complying without a guarantee that
enough others will follow. There is no valid
duty, since compliance condition not met) - The problem of the guarantee it is a common
knowledge that compliance is - 1) waste of effort at best when the public good
of law and order is not produced, - 2) typically much worse invites exploitation
others enjoy the benefit without contributing. - The exploitation scenario is the nightmare of
homo economicus, whose individual rationality
traps him and his fellows in a sub-optimal
equilibrium (no public good) in Prisoners
dilemma situations.
10The Role of Social Trust as Guaranteeing
Compliance Horizontal Trust
- 1. Horizontal trust and compliance the
bootstrapping role. - If enough citizens trust that enough others will
obey, they will obey themselves, thus making it
the case that enough people obey. - The compliance condition is met the rest are
under a duty to obey. - 2. Duty through horizontal social trust -
short, yet problematic way - there is no generalized social trust in our
society (WVS/EVS) - even if there was, it would not be of the type
required how to translate the in-group trust,
generated in day-to-day personal contacts, with
history of successful exchange, etc. into
generalized, society-wide social trust, backing a
society-wide duty to obey the law? - Yet even if there was such trust, and it was of
the right kind, a duty to obey entirely generated
through such social trust is suspect since it
has to also correspond to some objective
characteristics of authoritative institutions
such as efficiency, fairness, responsiveness,
accountability, etc.
11The Role of Trust as Guaranteeing Compliance
Vertical Trust
- 1. Vertical trust in authority and institutions
- second route to solving the collective action
problem to rely that state institutions will
guarantee a sufficient level of compliance with
the rules, thereby creating the necessary
condition for the duty of fair play. - Problems
- - Vertical trust a misnomer here? The citizen
trusts that the institution will step in to
coercively enforce the law, even if he does not
trust this institution otherwise (since it
might be unfair, non-transparent,
non-accountable, corrupt, etc). - - if so, then even if enough others are forced
to obey, one may not have a duty, if authorities
cannot be trusted in the proper sense of trust
- institutions are made up of individuals, whom we
may not trust (we are back to horizontal social
trust problems above) - quality of institutions also matters for trust
proper some of the institutional characteristics
of institutions may not allow for trust.
12The ultimate task of the research
- The dynamics of this process of
- 1. building generalized social trust (which
allows citizens to comply with the law without
exploiting each other) and - 2. generating a fair-play duty to obey the law
through reliance on the authority of
substantively just and fair state institutions,
is complex. - It may require, in addition to building such
institutions, that the state engages in creating
social meanings (Edmundson 2002), strategically
constructing collective memories (Rothstein 2001)
or using yet other semantic techniques. -
- The main aspects of this dynamic process, as
well as the specific features of its development
in post-socialist Bulgaria, deserve to be
explored and described in detail. This is the
ultimate task of my proposed research.
13Research Design of the empirical study of
attitudes to obligation to obey
- 1. Types of obligations studied the payment of
electricity and central heating bills, and the
payment of taxes, and the putative general
obligation to obey the law. - 2. In-depth individual interviews with citizens
and officials, using questionnaires with
hypothetical scenarios to reveal citizens and
officials attitudes towards their obligations - 3. Respondents (5 in each group) from five target
groups 1. pensioners 2. students and young
professionals 3. average income middle-age
persons, 4. businessmen, and 5. state officials
(from central and municipal administration, and
the judiciary). - The citizen groups differ in their period of
socialization (socialism/transition or both) and
in the levels of their average law-abidance. Does
socialism/the transition period, influence the
attitudes to law?
14Descriptive Outputs of the Empirical Research
Static and Dynamic
- 4.. A static map of the attitudes of 1. citizens
(do citizens believe they have obligations to pay
their bills/taxes, some differences between them?
Do they believe to have a general moral
obligation to obey the law, or they find some
important differences between these. 2. of
officials - toward non-complying citizens/their
own obligations to charge them. (Do officials
believe in unconditional duty to obey and apply
the law and if yes - how do they understand this
obligation? Do they use discretion/ how do they
react to gaps, contradictions/injustice in the
laws/governing regulations do they initiate
motions for a change, apply the law as it is,
find ways to drop the case?) - 5. A thick description of the self-interpretation
info on the subjective determinants of
attitudes and on their dynamics (change over
time). Personal experience of such changes may
explain what prompts them changes in the social
environment/institutions/inflated expectations
towards the reforms and the transition period,
followed by a disillusionment, etc. Questions to
be answered how stable citizens believe their
attitudes are can they change in the future, and
how, under what (social) conditions. - 6. The thick description is to provide insights
into the dynamics of citizens attitudes to law
and their obligations.
15Expected research results
- I will outline any similarities within the groups
and differences between the groups in the
self-interpretations of their attitudes, and in
the citizens self-identified motivations and
explanations of their compliance/non-compliance
with their duties. - I expect to find indications of the levels of
both generalized social trust and vertical trust
towards authority in the citizens
self-explanations of non-compliance with their
duties. These self-explanations may refer to
other social groups or/and they may refer to
state institutions. - I hope to have determinate answers to which are
the state institutions at the centre of public
attention in this regard (expect these to be the
law-applying and the law-enforcing institutions
such as the courts and the police), and which of
their qualities are critical for boosting
attitudes of law-abidance.
16Main Research Hypothesis
- The attitudes of citizens towards compliance with
the law depend on - their perceptions of their fellow citizens
levels of compliance, - 2. on their experience with/expectations about
the performance of certain state institutions.