The Duty to Obey the Law and Social Trust - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

1 / 16
About This Presentation
Title:

The Duty to Obey the Law and Social Trust

Description:

A general trend of decline in levels of trust: ... benefits, no consent or other volitional element required, thus the account is ... – PowerPoint PPT presentation

Number of Views:107
Avg rating:3.0/5.0
Slides: 17
Provided by: Dan5296
Category:
Tags: duty | law | obey | social | trust | volitional

less

Transcript and Presenter's Notes

Title: The Duty to Obey the Law and Social Trust


1
The Duty to Obey the Law and Social Trust
  • The Experience of Post-socialist Bulgaria
  • Ruzha Smilova PhD

2
The starting point Decline in Trust in Authority
and Social Trust
  • A general trend of decline in levels of trust
  • not confined to post-socialist countries, need
    not be related only to transition, authoritarian
    legacy, etc.
  • In post-communist countries - insufficient level
    of horizontal generalized out-group trust (as
    opposed to particularized in-group trust) and low
    vertical trust in authority (declining levels of
    law-abiding behavior/shaken belief in a duty to
    obey the law).
  • There is a link between social trust and trust in
    authority/belief in a duty to obey both
    intuitively plausible and supported by their
    strong correlation in diverse value surveys
    (Newton 1999).
  • The picture (uniformity in the levels of both
    types of trust) is static
  • 1. does not give info on the precise character of
    the link between the two,
  • 2. does not allow to specify the causal
    mechanisms of these phenomena.
  • What is the precise relation between the two? A
    research into the dynamics of the processes that
    bring about these equilibria is needed.
  • In my empirical research I explore the relation
    of social trust to the duty to obey the law

3
The Tasks of the Research minimalist
  • The minimalist task a thick description of the
    underlying these macro phenomena mechanisms.
  • 1. Focus at the micro/the individual level. An
    important criticism of some work on social
    capital (Putnams society-centered model) it
    does not provide an explanation of how the
    individual practical reasoning of the citizens
    relates to the macro-social phenomena. The
    individual beliefs and expectations, determining
    citizens practical decisions and actions, are
    the building blocks of these phenomena, so an
    adequate explanation should include them.
  • 2. A successful individual-level description
    would provide some insight into the causal
    mechanisms, determining a societys equilibrium.
    Here the research questions are
  • at what levels of social trust a society
    freezes (trust is sticky)
  • why and how.
  • The task is to go beyond description and attempt
    to give an explanation for the phenomena.

4
The Tasks of the Research maximalist
  • The maximalist task answering the practically
    interesting questions. They are
  • Whether, if at all, a society can move from a
    state of sub-optimal equilibrium (with low levels
    of both horizontal and vertical trust) to
    favorable ones (with higher levels of both
    types).
  • I will look for an answer at the micro-level
    in the beliefs, mutual perceptions and
    expectations of the citizens toward the state
    institutions. These beliefs determine the
    mechanics of reaching a Schelling-type tipping
    point, at which enough generalized trust is
    accumulated to become self-sustaining.
  • 2. And how can this move be done? Here could be
    the policy implications of my research the
    study will hopefully contribute to a
    contextually-sensitive answer to the question how
    to do the leap upwards towards an improved social
    equilibrium in post-socialist Bulgaria.

5
Theoretical Background the social capital
literature
  • The institution-centered account of social
    capital quality of government matters for social
    trust. Crucial for beneficial generalized social
    trust are well-performing and fair state
    institutions (Levi 1998, Rothstein 1998,) These
    (and possibly other) qualities of state
    institutions make them trustworthy enough to
    provide guarantees for social trust.
  • Theoretical difficulties with a simple-minded
    institutionalist solution to trust problems
  • Institutions are made of individuals, whom we
    may/may not trust to be our agents -the problem
    of trust reappears at the level of institutions
    (Offe 2004, Hardin 1998) so they cannot be used
    to solve it.
  • in the post-socialist countries the
    institution-mediated building of social trust
    would anyway fail for precisely the same reasons-
    lack of trust in the new institutions, distrust
    toward the older elites, etc. (Elster, Offe,
    Preuss 1998).
  • My main research hypothesis institutions matter
    for building social trust, but their influence is
    indirect. Some desirable qualities of the
    institutions allow/do not allow citizens to put
    their trust in them, and only then do these
    institutions generate and support (or undermine)
    social trust.

6
Theoretical Background Normative political theory
  • Theoretical challenges from normative political
    theory
  • 1) legitimate authority (Wolff) is an
    incoherent concept the rationality paradox of
    authority A is either wrong or redundant,
    hence A cannot in principle be legitimate
  • 2) There is yet no successful theory for a
    general duty to obey the law (Simmons)
  • 3) the most promising candidate - H.L.A. Harts
    duty of fair play (Hart 1955, Klosko 1992,
    Simmons 1987). I will focus on it. My hypothesis
    valid fair play duty to obey depends on social
    trust.
  • One of the tasks of my research is to provide
    material for this debate. Hopefully it will help
    answer the question which particular qualities of
    state institutions their fairness in
    law-application and law-enforcement (Tylor 2002,
    Uslaner 2005), their production of favorable
    outcomes for particular (groups of) citizens,
    their generally efficient performance/yet some
    other features, are responsible for boosting
    citizens trust in institutions, thereby
    strengthening social trust.

7
Theoretical motivations why duty to obey
  • 1. The resilience of the practice a general
    belief in the existence of this duty is observed
    in many surveys, case studies, etc., as testified
    by social psychologists, sociologists and
    political scientists
  • 2. A dilemma for the political theorist
    theoretical coherence (there are no adequate
    answers to the theoretical challenges to
    legitimate authority/general duty to obey, and it
    is better not to pretend there are) or
    descriptive adequacy (there is general belief on
    the part of citizens in the existence of both)?
  • 3. John Rawls method of reflective equilibrium
    the right political principles for a society
    should fit the considered convictions of its
    members. In political theory there is no
    theoretical validity without descriptive
    adequacy.
  • If there is a general belief in the population,
    that they have a duty to obey, an adequate theory
    for this duty, meeting the theoretical challenges
    above, should be provided.

8
The adequate theory a fair-play
duty to obey the law
  • 1. Why is it adequate? It avoids some of the
    problems of
  • a) The voluntarist accounts - no acceptance of
    the benefits, no consent or other volitional
    element required, thus the account is
    descriptively adequate
  • b) the pure natural duty accounts one has to
    obey the law of ones own determinate community
    only, therefore the account meets the
    determinacy objection (why obey the law of
    ones own community rather the more just one
    somewhere else?)
  • 2. What is fair play here? one has to obey
    the law of a community, whose benefits one has
    enjoyed, otherwise one takes unfair advantage of
    the members who obey
  • 3. The main problem - the compliance condition
    one is under duty of fair play to obey only if
    enough others comply with the law

9
Compliance Condition A Collective Action Problem
  • Since both my own duty and everybody elses is
    conditional on the compliance of enough others,
    and this is general knowledge, no one is willing
    to start complying without a guarantee that
    enough others will follow. There is no valid
    duty, since compliance condition not met)
  • The problem of the guarantee it is a common
    knowledge that compliance is
  • 1) waste of effort at best when the public good
    of law and order is not produced,
  • 2) typically much worse invites exploitation
    others enjoy the benefit without contributing.
  • The exploitation scenario is the nightmare of
    homo economicus, whose individual rationality
    traps him and his fellows in a sub-optimal
    equilibrium (no public good) in Prisoners
    dilemma situations.

10
The Role of Social Trust as Guaranteeing
Compliance Horizontal Trust
  • 1. Horizontal trust and compliance the
    bootstrapping role.
  • If enough citizens trust that enough others will
    obey, they will obey themselves, thus making it
    the case that enough people obey.
  • The compliance condition is met the rest are
    under a duty to obey.
  • 2. Duty through horizontal social trust -
    short, yet problematic way
  • there is no generalized social trust in our
    society (WVS/EVS)
  • even if there was, it would not be of the type
    required how to translate the in-group trust,
    generated in day-to-day personal contacts, with
    history of successful exchange, etc. into
    generalized, society-wide social trust, backing a
    society-wide duty to obey the law?
  • Yet even if there was such trust, and it was of
    the right kind, a duty to obey entirely generated
    through such social trust is suspect since it
    has to also correspond to some objective
    characteristics of authoritative institutions
    such as efficiency, fairness, responsiveness,
    accountability, etc.

11
The Role of Trust as Guaranteeing Compliance
Vertical Trust
  • 1. Vertical trust in authority and institutions
    - second route to solving the collective action
    problem to rely that state institutions will
    guarantee a sufficient level of compliance with
    the rules, thereby creating the necessary
    condition for the duty of fair play.
  • Problems
  • - Vertical trust a misnomer here? The citizen
    trusts that the institution will step in to
    coercively enforce the law, even if he does not
    trust this institution otherwise (since it
    might be unfair, non-transparent,
    non-accountable, corrupt, etc).
  • - if so, then even if enough others are forced
    to obey, one may not have a duty, if authorities
    cannot be trusted in the proper sense of trust
  • institutions are made up of individuals, whom we
    may not trust (we are back to horizontal social
    trust problems above)
  • quality of institutions also matters for trust
    proper some of the institutional characteristics
    of institutions may not allow for trust.

12
The ultimate task of the research
  • The dynamics of this process of
  • 1. building generalized social trust (which
    allows citizens to comply with the law without
    exploiting each other) and
  • 2. generating a fair-play duty to obey the law
    through reliance on the authority of
    substantively just and fair state institutions,
    is complex.
  • It may require, in addition to building such
    institutions, that the state engages in creating
    social meanings (Edmundson 2002), strategically
    constructing collective memories (Rothstein 2001)
    or using yet other semantic techniques.
  • The main aspects of this dynamic process, as
    well as the specific features of its development
    in post-socialist Bulgaria, deserve to be
    explored and described in detail. This is the
    ultimate task of my proposed research.

13
Research Design of the empirical study of
attitudes to obligation to obey
  • 1. Types of obligations studied the payment of
    electricity and central heating bills, and the
    payment of taxes, and the putative general
    obligation to obey the law.
  • 2. In-depth individual interviews with citizens
    and officials, using questionnaires with
    hypothetical scenarios to reveal citizens and
    officials attitudes towards their obligations
  • 3. Respondents (5 in each group) from five target
    groups 1. pensioners 2. students and young
    professionals 3. average income middle-age
    persons, 4. businessmen, and 5. state officials
    (from central and municipal administration, and
    the judiciary).
  • The citizen groups differ in their period of
    socialization (socialism/transition or both) and
    in the levels of their average law-abidance. Does
    socialism/the transition period, influence the
    attitudes to law?

14
Descriptive Outputs of the Empirical Research
Static and Dynamic
  • 4.. A static map of the attitudes of 1. citizens
    (do citizens believe they have obligations to pay
    their bills/taxes, some differences between them?
    Do they believe to have a general moral
    obligation to obey the law, or they find some
    important differences between these. 2. of
    officials - toward non-complying citizens/their
    own obligations to charge them. (Do officials
    believe in unconditional duty to obey and apply
    the law and if yes - how do they understand this
    obligation? Do they use discretion/ how do they
    react to gaps, contradictions/injustice in the
    laws/governing regulations do they initiate
    motions for a change, apply the law as it is,
    find ways to drop the case?)
  • 5. A thick description of the self-interpretation
    info on the subjective determinants of
    attitudes and on their dynamics (change over
    time). Personal experience of such changes may
    explain what prompts them changes in the social
    environment/institutions/inflated expectations
    towards the reforms and the transition period,
    followed by a disillusionment, etc. Questions to
    be answered how stable citizens believe their
    attitudes are can they change in the future, and
    how, under what (social) conditions.
  • 6. The thick description is to provide insights
    into the dynamics of citizens attitudes to law
    and their obligations.

15
Expected research results
  • I will outline any similarities within the groups
    and differences between the groups in the
    self-interpretations of their attitudes, and in
    the citizens self-identified motivations and
    explanations of their compliance/non-compliance
    with their duties.
  • I expect to find indications of the levels of
    both generalized social trust and vertical trust
    towards authority in the citizens
    self-explanations of non-compliance with their
    duties. These self-explanations may refer to
    other social groups or/and they may refer to
    state institutions.
  • I hope to have determinate answers to which are
    the state institutions at the centre of public
    attention in this regard (expect these to be the
    law-applying and the law-enforcing institutions
    such as the courts and the police), and which of
    their qualities are critical for boosting
    attitudes of law-abidance.

16
Main Research Hypothesis
  • The attitudes of citizens towards compliance with
    the law depend on
  • their perceptions of their fellow citizens
    levels of compliance,
  • 2. on their experience with/expectations about
    the performance of certain state institutions.
Write a Comment
User Comments (0)
About PowerShow.com