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Globalisation, Education and Development: The Case of East Asia

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Title: Globalisation, Education and Development: The Case of East Asia


1
Globalisation, Education and DevelopmentThe
Case of East Asia
National University of Tainan 18.5.07
  • Andy Green
  • Institute of Education
  • University of London

2
Research Project
  • Globalisation, Education and Development
  • Funded by DFID
  • (Department for International Development)
  • Published by DFID in May 2007
  • Green, A., Little, A., Kamat, S., Oketch, M. and
    Vickers, E.
  • Education and Development in a Global Era
    Strategies for Successful Globalisation

3
Scope of IOE Project
  • A Review and Synthesis of the Literature on
    Globalisation, Education and Development with
    respect to
  • Education, Globalisation and Economic Development
  • Globalisation, Skills, Qualifications and
    Livelihoods
  • Education and Social Cohesion
  • Based on
  • General International Literature
  • Literature Specific to China, Kenya, India and
    Sri Lanka

4
Aims of Research
  • To assess the role of education in promoting
    successful engagement with the Global Economy.
  • By successful we mean ways of engaging with
    globalization which lead to economic growth with
  • Reduction in Poverty
  • Increasing income equality
  • Social Improvements (including greater social
    cohesion)
  • Growth with Equity

5
The Importance of Globalisation
  • Globalisation
  • understood as the rapid acceleration of
    cross-border movements of good, labour capital
    services, information and ideas
  • Changes the terms of development

6
Theories of globalisation and development
  • There are many theories of globalisation
  • Hyper-globalisation theory (Ohmae et al)
  • Sceptics (Hirst and Thompson)
  • Transformationalists (Held)
  • How you view globalisation will determine how
    you view the possibilities for development.

7
Different emphases 1 Convergence or divergence?
  • If you view globalisation as an inevitable,
    linear, convergent and uncontradictory process of
    dissemination of free market capitalism then
    there is only one road for development
    (Washington consensus model).
  • 2. If you view it as contradictory and uneven
    then alternative modes of development are
    conceiveable.

8
Different emphases 2 Role of the state
  • 1. If you see the role of the national state
    under globalisation as increasingly marginalised
    then the state has a limited role in development
    best to leave the markets to work without state
    intervention and just give aid (Sachs)
  • 2. If on the other hand you regard states as
    important to development (failed states as
    hindering/developmental states as promoting)
    then you are likely to judge the role of the
    state as highly important.

9
The Contradictions of Globalisation
  • Globalisation is an uneven, contingent and
    contradictory process, creating greater global
    wealth but also increasing global inequality in
    the distribution of wealth.
  • Some Regions (Europe, North America, and East
    Asia) have clearly benefited more from global
    engagement than others (such as Latin America and
    SSA)

10
Successful gobalisation
  • Because globalisation is contradictory and
    uneven and state-dependent there are different
    possible responses to it.
  • Success in engaging with the global market
    depends on the
  • Terms of engagement which each country can
    achieve.
  • Some countries are able to negotiate better
    terms than others

11
Globalisation and Development
  • Changes the nature of world markets and what it
    takes to be competitive in them
  • Changes the nature of the national state and the
    relations between states and other levels of
    governance
  • Alters the possible paths of development

12
Globalisation is changing the dynamics of
development
  • In terms of the factors promoting economic
    development globalisation increases the
    importance of
  • international trade (and thus the need for
    export-oriented economies)
  • Knowledge, skills and technology transfer for
    development in the global knowledge economy.
  • MNCs and FDI in knowledge and technology transfer
  • education and skills (as argued in endogenous
    growth theory)

13
The Conditions for Late Development (Amsden)
  • Late industrialising countries countries
    can develop more rapidly in a global era due to
  • the global disaggregation of production and
    services industries the global division of
    labour
  • Increased possibilities for knowledge and
    technology transfer from
  • - increased investment flows
  • - increasing codification of knowledge and
    skills
  • - advances in ICT

14
The Role of Education
  • Education can play major role in promoting
    successful engagement with the global economy by
    six key processes
  • Providing skills which attract inward investment
  • Assisting in knowledge and technology transfer
  • Upgrading the economy
  • Reducing inequality
  • Promoting social cohesion
  • Strengthening state capacity

15
The East AsianCase(s)
  • East Asian economies have proved to be
    exceptional in negotiating favourable terms of
    engagement with the global economy.
  • Partly because of the role education has played
    in promoting the six key processes.

16
East Asian Development 1960 -1990 The East
Asian Miracle
  • East Asian economic growth between 1960 and
    1990 was the fastest on record for any region
  • It took Britain 58 years to double real pc
    income after 1780
  • USA 47 years from 1839
  • Japan 34 years from 1900
  • Korea 11 years from 1966
  • In 1960 S. Koreas GDP equalled Sudans and
    Taiwans Zaire. (Morris, 1995). These are now
    amongst the worlds developed countries

17
East Asian Growth 1965 - 1990
  • 23 economies in East Asia grew faster than
    all other regions at 5.3 pa, mostly due to rapid
    growth of 8 high performing Asian economies
    (HPAEs) Japan, the four tigers (S. Korea,
    Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong) and the East
    Asian NICS Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand.
  • Average growth pa
  • HPAEs 5.3
  • East Asia minus HPAEs 2.3
  • OECD 2.3
  • Latin America 1.9
  • Sub-Saharan Africa 0.1
  • (World Bank East Asian Miracle, 1996))
  • Growth rate of Japan and tigers during 25
    years from 1960 was over 8 pa on average (Wade,
    1990). Growth rate of S. Korea 1962-1979 averaged
    18.4 (Amsden, 1992)

18
Growth, Distribution and Well Being
  • Between 1960 and 1998 real income pc in Japan and
    tigers increased x 4
  • Life Expectancy in HPAEs grew from 56 years in
    1960 to 71 in 1990
  • Proportions living in absolute poverty declined
    between 1960 and 1990 from 58 to 17 in
    Indonesia and from 37 to 5 in Malaysia
    (compared with 54 to 43 in India)
  • HPEAs also achieved low and often declining
    levels of income inequality, particularly in
    Japan and Taiwan but also, until the 1980s, in S.
    Korea and Singapore.

19
Explanations of Rapid and Equal Development
  • Rapid Development in East Asia is, to some
    extent, a regional phenomenon.
  • Explanations have focused on
  • Culture
  • Geopolitics
  • Timing
  • Policies (including education)

20
Culture
  • Cultural explanations of EA development include
    theories about Confucian Capitalism
  • Strong states and Confucian paternalism
  • Mobilization of national identity
  • Family Basis for Welfare
  • Use of Diasporas and Flying Geese pattern
  • Importance of Education
  • However, theories are generally insufficient
    to explain dynamics and timing of development
  • East Asia is highly diverse in ethnicity and
    religion
  • Culture cannot explain why now

21
The Importance of Geography and Geo-Politics
  • Proximity to sea lanes and historic trade routes
  • Advantages of island and peninsular states
    coastal towns
  • Cold War stimulus to investment
  • US and British investment high in Japan,
    South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan
    through period of Korean and Vietnam wars.
  • Between 1953 and 1958 US aid to Korea was 15 of
    GDP and war requisitioning helped to kick start
    the Chaebols. Singapore benefited from UK and US
    requisitioning.
  • Up to 50 of finance for Taiwans infrastructure
    in early years came from US aid
  • Geopolitics can only be part of the story. Some
    states which benefited did not develop
    (Philippines) and others (Malaysia, Thailand)
    developed rapidly later, without similar levels
    of cold war investment.

22
Timing
  • The timing for the first wave of East Asian
    growth (second phase for Japan) was highly
    propitious.
  • Buoyant global economy in 1960s
  • Flexible trade regimes
  • US cuts in Japanese imports helped tigers
  • Conditions for rapid growth now less good
  • Slower world economic growth
  • More NIC competitors
  • WTO limitations to trade policies which arguably
    helped tigers
  • Globalisation restricts use of capital controls
    which may also have helped tigers

23
Factors favouring egalitarian development
  • Weakening of old landed and Zaibatsu elites in
    Japan as result of WW2 and subsequent land reform
  • Land reform in 1950s in Taiwan and S. Korea
    (prompted by US!) redistributed landed wealth and
    removed anti-modernising elites
  • Agricultural improvements in EA states with
    agricultural economies reduced disparities or
    rural and urban incomes
  • Rapid improvement in access to education reduced
    growth inequalities (countering the usual Kuznets
    effect)
  • Developmental states overcame entrenched class
    interests?
  • Redistributional policies of governments ie
    Malaysia pro Malay business policy, Singapore and
    Hong Kong Housing programmes etc

24
Policy Explanations of Growth
  • Neo-classical economics
  • Market friendly neo-classical
  • economics (WB East Asian Miracle)
  • Developmental state theory (Amsden, Wade, Johnson
    etc)

25
Neo-Classical theory
  • Neo-classical economic explanations argue that
    East Asian states got the basics right and left
    the rest to the market
  • Private domestic investment and rapidly
    increasing human capital were principal engines
    of growth
  • High domestic savings sustained high investment
    (typically savings at over 30 of income)
  • Increased agricultural productivity
  • Effective public administration
  • Good macro-economic management (low inflation and
    borrowing stable exchange rates etc
  • Openness to trade
  • Export led growth

26
Developmental State theorists
  • DST does not disagree with view that human
    capital and investment were important and that
    export led growth was central.
  • However, they argue that the conventional
    account ignores the degree of state intervention
    in growth and the use of neo-mercantilist
    policies which deviated very substantially from
    free trade.
  • With the exception of Hong Kong, Japan and the
    tigers all had highly state-led development
    programmes. They developed at a much faster rate
    than the Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand which
    were less interventionist.

27
The Crucial Role of the State
  • Britain, America, Germany, France all used a
    strong state for development through national
    economies in early stages of growth.
  • Free Trade Policies only favour the strong
    and even then have only been applied selectively.
  • Alexander Gerschenkron noted the key role of
    the state in late development.
  • Under globalisation there has generally been
    huge capital flows from the South to the North
    except in East Asia where the state is powerful
    enough to to control capital flight and direct
    the economy efficiently. Naom Chomsky

28
Developmental Paths
  • Each country followed similar development path
  • import substitution and agricultural improvement
    (late fifties)
  • export of cheap manufactured goods (early
    sixties) (textiles toys shoes etc) based on low
    cost labour
  • development of capital intensive goods (late
    sixties /early seventies) (variously Steel,
    Shipbuilding Petro chemicals etc) and electronic
    consumer goods
  • shift to higher value added manufacturing
    (1980s)
  • Singapore and Hong Kong relied heavily on FDI
    since they had small domestic markets and little
    domestic capital
  • Japan, Korea and Taiwan initially prefered
    foreign loans and technology transfer through
    licensing but gradually moved towards allowing
    joint ventures and since 1997 foreign MNCs.
  • Korea copied Japan - large private conglomerates
    working closely with state bureaucracy as engines
    of growth. Taiwan maintained larger SME sector
    but created many state owned large companies.

29
Developmental Policies in Japan and Tigers
  • A range of policies used to stimulate economic
    growth
  • To protect home industries
  • Tariffs and import quotas to protect infant
    industries
  • Tariffs, protectionist standards regulations and
    high taxes on luxury and other goods to
    discourage unnecessary consumption, encourage
    saving and to allow exporting manufacturers to
    reclaim losses on marked down foreign sales
    through high domestic prices.
  • To encourage exports
  • Export subsidies export targets preferential
    loans for exporters tariff reduction on imported
    inputs for exporters low exchange rates (which
    helped exporter) export processing Zones

30
Developmental Policies in Japan and Tigers 2
  • Industrial Policy building up priority sectors
    through
  • Preferential loans for companies to develop in
    certain sectors
  • Directing credit through Govt banks or
    regulation on private banks
  • Encouraging sector rationalisation through
    forcing market exit or forced mergers of failing
    companies.
  • Tax subsidies and infrastructural development for
    R and D in favoured sectors.
  • To Encourage FDI
  • Setting up one-stop-shop of Economic Development
    Boards in Singapore and Korea
  • To encourage savings
  • Post Office Saving Accounts (Japan and S. Korea)
  • Mandatory providential fund savings (CPF in
    Singapore)

31
Effects of Interventions
  • Most economists agree that market-governing
    measures were widely used in Japan and three
    tigers in first stage of development although
    countries later liberalised. The argument is
    about what effect the interventions they had.
  • Neo-classical economists say growth would
    have happened anyway without these policies.
    Developmentalists say they were generally
    beneficial to growth and key to success.
  • All agree that pre-conditions for market
    governing intervention working was that
  • Firms were forced to remain competitive
  • Interventions were carefully monitored so that
    subsidies removed from firms not achieving
  • Measures required competent and honest
    bureaucracy.

32
Role of Education
  • General view education played major role in
    East Asian Miracle
  • WB from growth accounting estimates far and
    away the major difference in predicted growth
    rates between HPAEs and sub-Saharan Africa
    derives from variations in primary school
    enrolment rates. (EAM p. 54)

33
Different Theories of Educations Role
  • Writers on East Asia differ on how they
    understand the role of education in rapid growth.
    Three theories
  • Human capital theory (WB)
  • Developmental Skill Formation (Ashton and Green)
  • Education and State Formation (High skills
    Project)

34
Human Capital Account
  • Skills contributed significantly to
    productivity growth and technology transfer.
  • Educational development was successful because
    it largely followed the market and was informed
    sound policies
  • HPAEs had high initial levels of literacy
    (although so did Sri Lanka and Philippines in
    1960s)
  • Investment focused initially on universalising
    primary education which had highest rate of
    return
  • Secondary and higher education were developed
    sequentially when growth and higher rates of
    return to higher levels encouraged private
    investment
  • Growth, private investment and declining birth
    rates (earlier and sharper than in other
    developing countries) allowed increased in per
    capita spending and higher enrols in education
    without excessive public cost.

35
School Enrolment at Primary Level Relative to
Estimated 5-14 Population in 1960
  • Tigers
  • Hong Kong 57
  • Singapore 66
  • South Korea 60
  • Taiwan 67
  • Others
  • Brazil 45
  • Chile 69
  • Ethiopia 5
  • Indonesia 40
  • Kenya 49
  • Pakistan 22
  • Uganda 32

36
Average Years of Schooling Attained by
Population over 15
  • 1960 1990
  • Latin America
  • and Caribbean 3.26 5.24
  • M. East/ N. Africa 1.22 4.47
  • SS Africa 1.73 2.93
  • S Asia 1.51 3.85
  • OECD 7.05 9.02
  • HK 5.17 9.15
  • Singpore 4.33 5.89
  • South Korea 4.25 9.94
  • Taiwan 3.87 7.98
  • (Barro and Lee, 1996)

37
Public Expenditure on Education as of GNP
  • 1960 1989
  • HK - 2.8
  • S. Korea 2.0 3.6
  • Singpore 2.8 3.4
  • Malaysia 2.9 5.6
  • Thailand 2.3 3.2
  • Indonesia 2.5 3.5
  • HPAE av. 2.5 3.7
  • Brazil 1.9 3.7
  • Pakistan 1.1 2.63
  • SSA 2.4 4.1
  • (WB East Asian Miracle)

38
Developmetnal Skills Formation Critique
  • Developmental skills formation theory (Ashton
    and Green) does not disagree with many of the
    human capital assertions. However, it claims they
    miss
  • Importance and secondary, technical and higher
    education expansion in later stages of
    development
  • The role played by the state in generating demand
    for skills
  • The role played by the state in coordinating
    skills supply and Demand.

39
State intervention to increase the demand for
skills
  • Through industrial policy to increase investment
    in high value added industries
  • Through forcing MNCs to bring in more capital and
    skills intensive operations
  • The classic example was the Singapore strategy
    for skills upgrading in 1980s

40
Second Industrial Revolution in Singapore
  • Gary Rodan describes Singapore efforts in early
    1980s to shift to a high skill economy when it
    could no longer compete with NICs on low cost
    manufacture.
  • Substantial increase in minimum wages
  • Tax subsidies to MNCs for hi-tech investment
  • Introduction of Skills Development Fund financed
    from a levy on employers of 2 of wage costs for
    all workers S750 or less pm
  • Encouraging MNCs not wanting to upgrade to exit
  • Strategy quite successful in increasing high
    value-added production in Singapore but had to be
    aborted in mid 1980s when labour costs rose to
    uncompetitive level.

41
Coordinating Supply and Demand
  • Using manpower planning through high level
    inter-ministerial strategy committees (CPTE in
    Spore)
  • Setting quotas for enrolments in Secondary and HE
    (S. Korea, Taiwan and S Korea till 1980)
    according to forward industrial planning
  • Revising these when needed
  • Brokering deals with MNCs (Singapore through EDB)
    to provide skills and for MNCs to provide
    training abroad and set up joint training centres
    in Singapore. French, Japanese and German
    technical institutes set up jointly with
    government.
  • Upgrading technical education rapidly in line
    with planned economic strategy (setting up of ITE
    in early 1970s in Singapore)

42
Broader Contribution of Education to Development
  • Education in Japan and the Tigers has
    contributed to development in various ways
  • Through provision of skills
  • Through inculcation of work discipline (one days
    leave a month in Korean factories in 1960s!)
  • Through socialisation into survival national
    ideologies which have helped maintain political
    stability
  • Through popularising meritocratic ideology that
    encouraged endeavour
  • Through other educational policies designed to
    enhance equality and social cohesion

43
Commonalities of East Asian Schooling
  • East Asian education and training systems differ
    in some significant ways
  • Japan, Taiwan and Korea are highly egalitarian
    (Non-selective neighbourhood comprehensive
    schools mixed ability classes equal resource
    distribution between school) Singapore and Hong
    Kong are comparatively elitist
  • Japan and Korea have extensive company based
    training in large firms. Singapore relies much
    more heavily on Govt funded workforce
    development
  • However, they have a number of features in common
    (Cumings)

44
Commonalities of East Asian Schooling
  • Highly centralised administration (although this
    is beginning to change now)
  • Major stress on dissemination of basic skills
  • Bias towards Maths and Engineering (20 get maths
    A level in Singpore and 40 of graduates are
    engineers)
  • Major stress on Moral and Civic education (made
    possible by centralised control)

45
Benefits and Costs of Education Bias to Maths and
Engineering
  • Has served growing manufacturing economy well
  • Has also produced competent civil servants (In
    Singapore they say engineers make best civil
    servants)
  • However, lack of creative education has not
    necessarily been good for producing creative and
    entrepreneurial talents. Singapore compensates
    for this by importing foreign talent, but all
    Japan and tigers all now complain of lack of
    creative skills in leading edge science and
    business innovation.

46
Importance of Socialisation
  • Arguably the most important contribution of
    education to economic development in Japan and
    Tigers has been through effective youth
    socialisation
  • Encouraging disciplined attitudes to hard work
  • Generating national spirit of struggle and
    sacrifice in early generation (to encourage
    saving and effort and acceptance of overpriced
    consumer goods etc). Koreans went en mass to
    pubic collection centres to hand over their
    silverware during the economic crisis! Japanese
    have put up with over-priced Japanese rice for
    years because they have been convinced it is
    patriotic!
  • Creating ability to work in teams (more notable
    in Japan and Korea than Singapore perhaps)
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